[from the World Bank's daily clipping service]

DAVOS LEADERS GAUGE GLOBAL IMPACT OF US SLOWDOWN.

The US is likely to avoid recession this year, but the jolt of a 
rapid and bumpy
economic slowdown will feel a lot like a recession for certain sectors, the
International Herald Tribune (p.1) leading bankers, economists and business
leaders attending the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos said yesterday.
Former US Federal Reserve Board Vice Chairman Alan Blinder and others stressed
that since the US had been growing at a rate of five percent last 
year, the drop
to an average of perhaps two percent would be a jolt.

Meanwhile, "Davos participants remain cautiously optimistic regarding the
outlook for the world economy this year," the IHT notes WEF President Klaus
Schwab said, citing a WEF survey of 250 business executives in which the
majority saw the risk of a major global slowdown following the US deceleration
as moderate or even low.

They warned, however, that neither Europe nor Asia would be immune to 
the impact
of the US slowdown, which could shave as much as three quarters to a full
percentage point of world economic growth in 2001.

In a separate article, the IHT (p.1) notes that Mexican President Vicente Fox
said yesterday the US economic slowdown could damage his country's 
growth target
for this year, but he said he would work to replace lost US trade and 
investment
by forging new commercial ties with the EU.  On the trade front, meanwhile, Fox
pledged to work closely with the administration of US President George W. Bush
and Latin American countries to achieve "a hemisphere-wide free trade accord,"
which he predicted could be signed within three to five years.

Meanwhile, the Washington Post (p.E1) reports that sometime during the new US
Bush administration, financial crises will surely strike somewhere in the
developing world, just as they did during the Clinton administration in Mexico,
Thailand, South Korea, and several other countries.  So, the paper asks, will
the US respond by rushing to the rescue with a big package of international
loans-or will it respond with the financial equivalent of tough love?

The question is fueling intense speculation among policy experts and
financial-market players, because two of the administration's top economic
policymakers appear to have almost diametrically opposing views on the topic.

Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill suggested in his confirmation hearing last week
that he is inclined to handle such crises pretty much the same way as his
Clinton administration predecessors Robert Rubin and Lawrence Summers.
Referring to the 1994-95 collapse of the Mexican peso, which prompted the
Clintonites to marshal a $50 billion bailout for Mexico, O'Neill said, "It does
seem very, very clear that Secretary Rubin was right, in retrospect....I hope
when my Mexico occurs, you will give me enough freeboard to do the thing that
seems necessary to do because, I think, if you had prevented Secretary Rubin
from doing it, the consequences could have been really quite serious."

White House Chief economic adviser Lawrence B. Lindsey, by contrast, was one of
the most scathing critics of the Clinton administration's approach during the
Mexico crisis and the turmoil that swept Asia, Russia, and Brazil in the late
1990s.  Lindsey denounced the loans furnished by the IMF, which he blamed for
encouraging lenders, investors, and government officials to behave 
recklessly on
the assumption that they will be bailed out when trouble hits.

The story notes that although no particular crisis confronts the administration
at the moment, the issue is already the focus of a struggle over who will get
the job of Treasury undersecretary for international affairs.

Agence France-Presse notes meanwhile that the UNDP hopes to persuade high-tech
giants at the WEF not to let the collapse of the dot.com bubble 
compromise hopes
of bridging the digital divide between rich and poor nations.  "Those of us who
are proselytizing this idea will probably find the argument harder to make this
year than it was last year," said the UNDP Administrator Mark Malloch Brown
today.

In other news from Davos, Reuters reports that hundreds of Swiss police,
specialist troops and coils of barbed wire greeted the world's corporate and
political elite as the annual Davos business summit got under way yesterday.
Nervousness over the state of the global economy mingled with worries that
violent demonstrators could disrupt the annual meeting of the WEF, which runs
until January 30.  Swiss Television estimated that between 1,000 and 2,000
police from across Switzerland were on hand to choke off the kind of
anti-globalization protests that hit the EU summit in Nice, the IMF/World Bank
annual meetings in Prague and Davos itself last year.

"The WEF has become the symbol of a global civilization in formation, 
of a world
where barriers collapse, of a world which makes us dream of an ever greater
liberty," the story notes Swiss President Moritz Leuenberger told the opening
session.  But environmentalists and opponents of free trade say the forum takes
far-reaching decisions behind closed doors and enhances the power of
multinational corporations.

Eager to dispel criticism of Davos as a capitalist conspiracy to set the world
agenda, organizers say they have given trade unions, lobby groups,
environmentalists and other critics of the system unprecedented exposure this
year.  But this has not satisfied a coalition of environmental and developing
country groups which has organized an alternative conference in Davos this week
dealing with subjects such as trade and "making global corporations
accountable".

Some 10,000 people are also expected at the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre,
Brazil, that will run in parallel with the Davos meeting and condemn 
neo-liberal
economic policies.





PORTO ALEGRE LOOKS AT OTHER SIDE OF GLOBALIZATION.
Reporting on the "anti-Davos" World Social Forum (WSF) in Porto Alegre,
LibTration (p.3) says criticism of neoliberalism-and glimmers of self-criticism
by neoliberals-is in the air.  The Asian crisis almost four years ago revealed
the fragility of a globalized economy fuelled by financial 
speculation, says the
story.  Now, even some of globalization's defenders are recognizing another
facet to the trend:  its inequality.

The global village today has never been so prosperous, says the story, yet the
pharmaceutical industry will not lower the price of anti-retroviral drugs for
the 35 million Africans suffering from AIDS and rich countries will not lower
their trade barriers for exports from poor countries.  The rich countries seem
to be unconcerned, the story notes World Bank President James Wolfensohn said
last year.

Economic liberalism must take social concerns into account, says the story,
noting that between now and 2015, the UN, with the IMF and the World Bank, is
aiming to halve the number of people living under $1 a day; ensure primary
education for all; and halt the progress of AIDS.

In a separate article, LibTration (p.2) notes that the conclusions reached in
Porto Alegre will be presented to the IMF and the World Bank in April.

The news comes as the Chicago Tribune reports that, responding to economic
crises in the 1990s and to critics of globalization, the World Bank signaled a
shift in its anti-poverty strategy Wednesday toward strengthening social safety
nets and giving the poor new tools to escape their plight.  The Bank outlined
this two-pronged lending approach in a report declaring that the poor are
increasingly vulnerable to periodic economic crises, natural disasters and
disease, such as the HIV-AIDS epidemic in Africa.

The Bank said less than a quarter of the world's population is protected by
government safety nets, which include such programs as old-age pensions and
unemployment insurance, while less than five percent can rely on their own
savings, land or other assets in case of a crisis.  If poor countries that have
weak safety nets or none at all decide to make them permanent features, poverty
could be cut faster and the poor could gain benefits from globalization instead
of being punished by its often-harsh edge, the Bank said.

Eduardo Doryan, the Bank's vice president for human development, added that
bolstering safety nets in developing countries is not enough. The 
World Bank, he
said, is adopting a broader lending concept of improving social protection by
reducing the risk of being poor.  As a result, the Bank is 
concentrating more on
programs that can remove people and communities from what Doryan called a
"poverty trap," including worker training and other labor market improvements,
education, jobs in public works, legal reforms helping women, or child care.
RAI 24, UN Radio Spanish, Dißrio Econ=mico (Portugal) and the Australian also
report on the new paper.

Meanwhile, Handelsblatt (Germany, p.13) reports ILO Director-General Juan
Somavia is calling for a global dialogue on flanking the globalization process
with social safety fences for the world economy. It made him optimistic that
today, multilateral development banks such as the World Bank give priority to
the social dimension of development and that cooperation with the IMF has much
improved, Somavia said.

Samuel Berger, national security adviser to former US President Bill Clinton,
meanwhile writes in the IHT (p.10) that in today's global age, Americans can no
longer choose not to know how others in the world live.  The Bush 
administration
will face many challenges as it puts its stamp on foreign policy, but he hopes
it will keep action against global poverty front and center.

Open markets alone will not close the gap between rich and poor, says Berger,
when half the children in the poorest countries still are not in school, more
than 1.5 billion people lack access to clean drinking water, and infectious
diseases still cause one in every four deaths in the world.  The Internet will
not narrow the gap when half the world's people have yet to make or receive a
telephone call.

The solutions, like large-scale debt relief and tax credits for vaccine
development, require heads of state, backed by their foreign and treasury
ministries, to be directly involved.  The new US administration should build on
these foundations by closing the gap between what the world spends and what it
needs to fight infectious diseases like AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis.  It
should also increase global funding for universal education, the most effective
way in the long run to increase wages in the developing world.  And it should
place a priority on helping more countries qualify for debt relief if they use
the money to help their people.

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