The demands of creditor nations and aid agencies are crippling the institution.
Debtor nations can save it, says Robert Wade
Published: February 14 2001 20:06GMT | Last Updated: February 14 2001 20:10GMT



Many have laid the blame for the malaise at the World Bank squarely with James
Wolfensohn, its president. There is no doubt Mr Wolfensohn is challenged in the
management department. The future of the Bank would be brighter if he were to leave
or to limit his role to external relations, his forte. But there is also no doubt
that the Bank's future would be bleak, whoever the president was.

Lending has collapsed to the level of the early 1980s - apart from lending by the
International Development Agency, the soft-loan facility. Some of the fall is
cyclical but more of it looks to be long-term.

Staff in technical sectors such as agriculture, irrigation, energy and
infrastructure are leaving in droves. The matrix organisational structure put in
place in 1997, wonderful on paper, is a nightmare, particularly because it imposes
high costs of negotiating agreements about everything short of pencils. As a result,
the new, "client-focused" Bank spends more of its time on internal processing and
less on what it is good at - working with clients. Non-stop waves of redundancies
compound staff anger.

One solution is to close the Bank down. This is favoured by those who say that
private capital markets can provide enough development finance without public
intervention and private consulting firms can provide enough development advice.

Nonsense. About 70 per cent of private capital flows to developing countries go to
only 10 of them and are subject to large surges in and out. Private consulting firms
have no interest in helping clients to follow the Korean motto: "We learn things
only once."

The world needs multilateral development banks as a partial offset to failure in
both capital markets and consultancy markets. They pool the risk of lending to
developing countries and link money with advice based on experience of what works.
And the world needs a world bank, one that operates across the developing world and
can tackle global problems such as ocean pollution, atmospheric degradation and
nuclear waste.

The problem of the World Bank starts with the logo. "World" confers dignity,
prestige and a presumption of leadership. But when the mandate is as broad as
"development" and "poverty reduction" it also invites any entity striving for
influence to target the Bank to get its demands across.

Like it or not, the Bank has had to open itself up to all kinds of aid agencies and
pressure groups, mainly those based in the creditor countries, particularly in the
US. They can affect the Bank's lending resources and its survival by affecting the
willingness of the governments of creditor countries to underwrite its capital base
and to pledge funds for its IDA affiliate. Creditor countries, especially the US,
therefore have influence in the Bank way beyond their majority share of votes in the
governing body.

This has made the Bank both unmanageable and uncompetitive. The agendas to which it
must respond are often mutually inconsistent - the US Treasury and State Department
say the Bank must make a massive adjustment loan to Indonesia; many agencies
delegitimise the Bank for lending to a corrupt and repressive government. The
external groups do not have to resolve the inconsistencies among themselves, or take
responsibility. Instead, they happily insist the Bank make borrowers comply with
standards of resettlement, indigenous peoples, environmental assessments and
procurement that are higher than in leading industrialised countries. Why not?

The need to manage the inconsistencies makes hypocrisy a way of life in the Bank -
saying different things to different audiences and making declarations of intent
that cannot possibly be carried out.

But hypocrisy has its limits. The standards that the creditor countries require the
Bank to insist upon in its projects add greatly to the costs of borrowing from the
Bank compared with other sources.

Worse, the requirements in terms of project preparation can often be met only by
international consultants flown in for the task, so learning does not take place
locally. Borrowing governments are increasingly saying: "No, thanks." And when
agencies discover less than 100 per cent compliance in some part of the Bank's
portfolio, they stand ready to censure the Bank and demand cuts in its capital base
or soft-loan funds. The circle is vicious.

The borrowing governments and their representatives on the board of the Bank have to
become more active in governing the governance problem. They are meant to be the
primary beneficiaries of World Bank activities, yet they have for 50 years allowed
creditor governments to set the rules and policies.

They can do much more than at present to co-ordinate their actions and now that the
survival of the Bank is at stake they have every incentive to do so.

The writer is professor of political economy and development at the London School of
Economics and fellow of the Institute for Advanced Study, Berlin
from FT.com



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