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Whose party is it anyway?

Harry Reid may be the Democrats' new Senate leader, but
this week, blue eyes are on Howard Dean.

By Tim Grieve

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2004/12/07/dean/index_np.html

Dec. 7, 2004  |  Harry Reid says Democrats have to
"swallow their pride" and move toward the middle. Harry
Reid says he admires Antonin Scalia's "brilliance" and
could imagine voting to confirm him as chief justice of
the United States. Harry Reid says he'd rather "dance"
with George W. Bush than "fight" him.

Harry Reid says: "I'm the face of the Democratic Party
today."

Harry Reid may be right. For a party that came within
119,000 Ohio votes of ousting a sitting president in a
time of war, the Democrats are sounding awfully
defeated these days. There's talk of making the most of
long-term minority status, of compromising on judicial
appointments and "moral issues" like the rights of gay
couples and women -- Reid, the Democrats' new Senate
leader, is anti-choice -- and of trying to figure out
some way to outflank the Republicans from the red-state
right.

And then there's Howard Dean.

The once-and-maybe-future presidential candidate has
kept a relatively low profile since election night, but
that's going to change Wednesday, when Dean delivers
what his aides are calling a "major speech" in
Washington. The subject: Dean's vision for the
Democratic Party. The not-so-hidden subtext: his role
in it.

On the night after John Kerry lost to George W. Bush,
Dean told supporters on a Meetup conference call that
the Democratic National Committee is "at a crossroads"
and that DNC members "have questions to ask
themselves." But now, as Dean prepares for his Bush II
coming out and weighs a bid to replace Terry McAuliffe
as the head of the DNC, it's the DNC members who have
questions for Dean: Where does he want the party to go,
and is he willing to put aside his own presidential
aspirations to help take it there?

Dean will address the first of those questions
Wednesday. He'll argue that the Democratic Party should
be rebuilt from the grass roots up, that it should be
driven by millions of Americans who make small
contributions rather than by a handful of moneyed
interests, and that the party should focus not just on
presidential politics in swing states like Ohio and
Florida but also on down-ballot races even in the
reddest of states. On matters of substance, Dean may
not resurrect his borrowed line about representing the
"Democratic wing of the Democratic Party," but you can
count on him to make it clear he isn't joining the "go
along to get along" wing of the party, either.

"If you want to win, you have to fight, and you have to
stand for something," Dean wrote in a Web column a few
days after the election. While centrist Democrats like
Reid were scrambling to find common ground with the
president and the red state voters who elected him,
Dean used his first sustained election postmortem to
proclaim his disagreement with Bush "on almost every
direction he takes us in."

Dean's unequivocal anti-Bushness is red meat for
progressive Democrats hungry for something beyond the
empty calories of "Fuck the South." The liberal
blogosphere -- which played both father and son to
Dean's presidential run -- has all but demanded that
Dean be chosen to lead the Democratic Party when the
DNC meets in February. In Oregon, the race for a spot
in the state's DNC delegation turned into a blog battle
over which candidate would offer the strongest support
for Dean's as-yet-undeclared candidacy. In Washington,
DNC member Donna Brazile said Monday that she has
received so many e-mails from Dean supporters that her
Blackberry has died from the abuse.

There's no question that Dean can inspire the
Democratic base. And as a former governor -- albeit of
a tiny state -- and a presidential candidate who helped
revolutionize political campaigns, Dean has a track
record that suggests he has the organizational skills
necessary to make the Democratic Party work. But a good
r�sum� and the impassioned pleas of a thousand
dailykossacks does not a DNC majority make. Brazile --
who may or may not have been in the race but is out now
-- says Dean has only "lukewarm" support from party
insiders. If Dean decides to run, she says, "You'll see
the same forces that tried to derail his campaign
reconstitute themselves as an anti- Dean bandwagon."

In the primaries, the anti-Dean movement was aided and
abetted -- if not led - - by friends of the Democratic
Leadership Council, whose Al From and Bruce Reed
dismissed Dean's supporters as "activist elites" and
railed against the "misguided notion that the hopes and
dreams of activists represent the heart and soul of the
Democratic Party."

Will arguments such as these hold sway with Democrats
after Kerry's loss? It's hard to know. For every
Democrat who believes Kerry lost because he was seen as
"too liberal" on gay marriage or taxes or God knows
what else, there's another who believes he handed
George Bush the presidency by refusing to hit him
harder on Iraq. Kerry consistently criticized Bush's
handling of the war. But in his own refusal to admit a
mistake in voting to authorize the war, Kerry denied
himself the unequivocal antiwar argument that Dean made
forcefully in the Democratic primaries. Kerry's
approach represented the sort of centrist pin-dancing
the DLC may favor, but it doesn't speak to Democratic
activists -- elite or otherwise -- who are looking for
someone to guide them out of their post-election
despair.

Of course, many of those activists have larger
aspirations for Dean. They wanted him to be the
Democrats' presidential nominee in 2004, and they like
the idea of his making another run for the nomination
in 2008. For Brazile and many other DNC members, that's
a problem. The DNC chairmanship is a full- time job,
they say, and it shouldn't be filled by the chosen one
of any potential presidential candidate -- let alone by
a potential candidate himself. Brazile expects to meet
with Dean in Washington before he speaks Wednesday; if
he won't commit to not running in 2008, she said, she
won't be able to support him for the DNC chairmanship.

Laura Gross, a spokeswoman for Dean's Democracy for
America, said Dean's presidential aspirations are just
one factor that will go into his decision whether to
run for the chairmanship. She said he hasn't decided
whether he'll run in 2008 -- let alone whether the
desire to make such a run is incompatible with the
chairmanship.

If Dean runs for the DNC job -- and gets it -- he may
ultimately be able to have it both ways. If the
Democrats surge in the 2006 election cycle -- if
history and Dean's leadership conspire to win
governorships and significant numbers of seats in the
House and Senate -- then the party may be so
enthusiastic about Dean's skills that he'll win
widespread support for a presidential run. But there
are a lot of "ifs" built into that equation, and it's
not a contingency Dean can embrace -- at least publicly
-- if he hopes to win the support of a lot of DNC
members wary of picking a chairman who uses the DNC as
his own personal exploratory committee.

Few -- if any -- of the other candidates carry that
particular baggage. Iowa Gov. Tom Vilsack is a
potential presidential candidate in 2008, but he has
checked out of the DNC race. Other candidates in the
race now are Harold Ickes, the former Clinton chief of
staff; Ron Kirk and Wellington Webb, the former mayors
of Dallas and Denver, respectively; Simon Rosenberg,
the president of the New Democratic Network;
businessman Leo Hindery Jr., and former Gore and Kerry
advisor Donnie Fowler.

None of those candidates raise the same concerns Dean
does, but none carry Dean's high public profile,
either. That's a plus and a minus -- as even Dean's
supporters acknowledge. Paul Maslin, who helped run
Dean's primary campaign, is enthusiastic about his
former boss's DNC candidacy. He's even comfortable with
Dean's ability to avoid being caricatured as an out-of-
touch Northeastern liberal.

"He ran for president because he wanted to do something
about healthcare and the budget deficit, but then Iraq
happened and he exploited an opening," Maslin said last
week. "The party was being too meek and mild, and he
said 'Hey, we've gotta fight.'" Maslin, who has talked
with Dean about a DNC run, says the fight "still
matters."

"I don't mean that we're going to be in pitched battle
with George W. Bush over every single thing he does,"
Maslin said. "But there's a lot of things he does that
still require Democrats to have a voice." As soon as he
said it, though, Maslin acknowledged the problem of
having that "voice" come out of Dean's mouth -- and
it's one that a Harry Reid will never have. "That
damned scream," Maslin said, and you could almost hear
him shaking his head over the phone line. If the
Democrats choose Dean to lead them, Maslin said, "We'll
just have to accept the fact that Fox is going to show
that clip for the next 1,046 days, or whatever it is.
That's life."

[About the writer: Tim Grieve is a senior writer for
Salon based in San Francisco.]

_______________________________________________________

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www.ctrl.org
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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