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an excerpt from:
Opium, Empire and the Global Political Economy
Carl A Trocki�1999 All rights reserved
Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
London and New York
ISBN 0-415-21500-5
208 pps. --First Edition -- In-Print
-----
An Excellant book. If one cares to understand today, one must try and
understand the past.

--"Without opium, there would be no empire"--

--Opium was the tool of the capitalist classes in transforming the peasantry
and in monetizing their subsistence lifestyles. Opium created pools of
capital and fed the institutions that accumulated it: the banking and
financial systems, the insurance systems and the transportation and
information infrastructures. Those structures and that economy have, in large
part, been inherited by the successor nations of the region today.--

Om
K
-----


Introduction

This book re-examines the British Indian opium trade to China and Southeast
Asia. In the past half-century, much research has been done and many books
and articles have been written on various aspects of the opium trade. Outside
of David E. Owen's account, written in the 1930s, there have been few studies
which look at the entire commerce. It is one aim of this study to provide an
overview of the opium trade that would include much of the more recent
literature on opium, the opium trade and drugs in general. Beyond this, the
study seeks in particular to probe the role of the drug trade in laying the
foundation for European colonial structures in Asia, both economic and
administrative. The intention is to place opium in the same context with
other important commercial enterprises which were also based on drugs, or
drug-like products, including tobacco, alcohol and tea. So far as I am aware,
this has not really been done before.

The study is informed by a number of assumptions about the relationship
between drugs and human society. The first of these is that drugs are a
"natural" part of human life. It recognizes that since human life evolved we
have regularly made use of certain naturally occurring chemical substances
for their mind- or mood-altering properties. Almost every human culture has
found a place for some drug, including opium. Their use has often been
associated with some sort of religious practice, social ritual, or spirit
medicine, not to mention everyday physical medicine. Whether it has been
opium, cannabis, coca, tobacco, alcohol, coffee, tea, betel, kutch, or one of
the many other vegetable products, human beings have regularly had recourse
to some selection of them so as to "doctor" their bodies or their minds.

Almost all of these substances can be considered, and have been placed, in
the dangerous category. Inappropriate or excessive use of any of them may
cause illness, physical or mental damage, addiction or even death. Most
cultures have found ways to control the use of their native drugs, thus all
human societies have their own "drug cultures." From a systemic point of
view, I propose that drugs became social problems only when they were moved
out of their "original" contexts to populations or nations which had not been
habituated to their use, or when the availability, production or distribution
of them was drastically changed. This, at least, is the historical process
which I hope to demonstrate here. We have come to call such events "drug
epidemics" or "drug plagues." They occur when a society is suddenly swept by
a wave of use, and abuse, of' a newly introduced addictive drug. Large
numbers of' people are affected and the phenomenon usually attracts
considerable attention and comment from other sectors of society, who
normally view it as a sign of social decay or even collapse.

It is clear that many drugs are "dangerous." That is, they are poisons that
call kill or at least seriously impair our health. Many possess the
additional property of being addictive. Without being scientifically exact at
this point, addiction can be defined as the process by which an individual
develops a physiological or psychological dependence upon a chemical
substance that is not otherwise a necessity of life. Addicts thus require a
regular and often continually increasing supply of the substance. At some
point where use of the drug becomes habitual, they usually suffer ill-health,
loss of wealth, an apparent loss of "free will" and some even lose their
lives. Drugs, nevertheless, offer psychological compensations and comforts
that appear, at least for a time, to make all the ills they bring worthwhile.
These attractions are so strong that today, despite fairly strict legal,
moral and social sanctions, people are willing to risk fines, imprisonment
and even execution to procure drugs for their own consumption or to supply
them to others.

It seems that there is one key ingredient necessary to create a true drug
"epidemic." In addition to exotic introduction and changes in production, the
commercialization of drug production, trade and marketing seem to have been
crucial. This links these drugs with the development of capitalism. The
commercialization of a drug has radically altered the established
relationship between human society and a particular substance. This process
has been associated with a number of fundamental transformations in human
life, one of which has been the appearance of large plantations, or similar
agricultural establishments, worked by some form of slave or unfree labor,
where a drug is produced for sale at some distant location. The trade in such
drugs usually results in some form of monopoly which not only centralizes the
drug traffic, but also restructures much of the affiliated social and
economic terrain in the process. In particular two major effects are the
creation of mass markets and the generation of enormous, in fact
unprecedented, cash flows. The existence of monopoly results in the
concentrated accumulation of vast pools of wealth. The accumulations of
wealth created by a succession of historic drug trades have been among the
primary foundations of global capitalism and the modern nation-state itself.
Indeed, it may be argued that the entire rise of the west, from 1500 to 1900,
depended on a series of drug trades.

This book looks at the long-term historical transformation of opium, from an
exotic chemical largely used as a medicine or occasional narcotic to an
intensively produced and widely marketed commodity. It traces the creation of
a new and pernicious drug culture in Southeast Asia and China where opium
came to be "smoked" by increasing numbers of users. There is an attempt to
look at its importance not only in human terms, but also in the
administrative and economic structures of India, Southeast Asia and China. In
particular, the focus is on the relationship of the drug trade to the rise
and fall of the European, especially the British, empire in Asia.

In focusing on the British Empire, I wish to make indelibly clear the
intimate historical link between the British enterprise in Asia-East-of-Suez
and this phase of the international drug trade. Recent years have seen an
upsurge of literature romanticizing the Raj, from Paul Scott's Raj Quartet to
the novels of James G. Farrell and the virtual cottage industry of British
books about Singapore before and during the Pacific War. Some glorify the
endeavor, others find reason to criticize the people or the age, but most
studiously avoid the topic of opium, unless to gloss over it as an "oriental"
vice. While it is true that Asians used the drug, it is also true that
Europeans became the most prominent producers and purveyors. Foremost among
them were the British East India Company, its successor the British colonial
government of India, and the community of British merchants who laid the
economic foundation of the imperial economy. I argue here that without the
drug, there probably would have been no British Empire. Admittedly, this is
difficult to prove, and I am sure that my contentions will find critics.
Nevertheless, if we try to subtract opium income and opium profits from the
Indian budgets, from the merchants' balance sheets, from the other colonial
fiscal structures, I believe we need to ask how else the superstructures of
the European enterprise would have been financed.

There are a number of conclusions from the study. The first is that the
nineteenth-century opium trade not only destroyed the integrity of social and
political structures in China and Southeast Asia, but it also helped to build
and to finance the creation of new and alternative structures. In Southeast
Asia these were the colonial states, most of which were supported by opium
revenues. In China, particularly after 1860, opium revenues became an
important part of regional revenue regimes, which drew strength from the drug
trade while the central government declined. Moreover, in the years following
the collapse of the dynasty, opium became the fiscal mainstay of virtually
all of the warlord and republican regimes that dominated China in the period
before 1950.

At the end of the nineteenth century opium was thoroughly embedded in the
political economies of every Asian state east of Suez. If it was not grown
locally and sold to the population, it was imported from some other place
where it was grown for export. While it is difficult to argue intent, it is
clear that the structure of European imperial control and the capitalist
structures which were built upon it were intimately tied to opium.

This book introduces the image of the "opium empire," a metaphor first
offered by Joseph Conrad. It takes up the early history of opium and other
"traditional drugs" such as tobacco and sugar and develops the paradigm of
commercialized drug trades and ties that to the growth of European
colonialism in the Americas and Asia in the second chapter. The third and
fourth chapters look at the Asian opium trade of Britain, first as it grew in
India and then as it affected Southeast Asia and China. The fifth and sixth
chapters look at opium in China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,
focusing not only on the spread of the opium trade but also on the evolving
political economy of the drug as it came to affect Chinese political
development. The seventh chapter focuses on the political economy of opium
revenue farming systems in Southeast Asia, connecting them to the growth of
colonial regimes and fiscal systems, while at the same time linking them to
the growth of capitalist enterprises in the European-dominated territories.

Chapter 8 reviews the international movements at the beginning of' the
twentieth century to ban the traffic in narcotics and examines some of the
repercussions of that development. This chapter also looks at the
relationship between the nineteenth-century drug trades and the
twentieth-century heroin traffic. An important theme here is the change in
consciousness regarding the new drug cultures being created. This chapter
also suggests a number of the lessons which the "Imperial drug trade," as
Joshua Rowntree styled it, have to teach the west as it enters the
twenty-first century.

Throughout, the study is concerned with the links between drug trades,
European colonial expansion, the creation of the global capitalist system and
the creation of the modern state. Drug trades destabilized existing societies
not merely because they destroyed individual human beings but also, and
perhaps more importantly, because they have the power to undercut the
existing political economy of any state. They have created new forms of
capital; and they have redistributed wealth in radically new ways. As such,
they have been the incubators of capitalism. Their production has enslaved or
otherwise entrapped labor forces, their traffic has fed the exchange systems
and the "brokers" who are the propagators of the system, and their
distribution has lubricated the mass markets necessary for the establishment
of capitalism. What sugar, alcohol and tobacco did for the Americas and
Africa, opium did for Asia.

In looking at modern-day anti-drug policies and comparing those policies with
the attitudes and projects of the years before World War 1, there seems some
cause for irony. Modern-day power holders may or may not realize that drug
economies have been vital to the construction of the modern state; that they
have been the stepping stones of the capitalist political economy. At the
same time, nevertheless, they do realize that drugs, and more specifically
drug economies, have the power to destroy or seriously undermine an existing
political order. The question that we might continue to ponder, however, is
whether the problem is in the drug or in the economy.

pps. xi-xiv
=====

    With help from the American Central Intelligence Agency, the Opium
Warlords of the Golden Triangle prospered during the global Cold War and the
Asian hot wars in both Korea and Vietnam.  So long as they were ostensibly
anti-communist, the US supported them, thus the Guomindang military, the Shan
warlords,  the Thai generals, the Hmoung chiefs, and the South Vietnamese
leaders all profited from regular American support and  encouragement
throughout the Vietnam War era. No small part of their profits came from the
drug trades they controlled.  When the Vietnam War ended and "native"
warlords such as Khun Sa rose up to take the poppy fields from the likes of
General Li Mi and Lo Sing Han, a new source of legitimization was found in
Shan nationalism. The entire enterprise,  however, continued to be a drug
regime, now with the capability of transforming the raw opium into heroin, a
commodity  more readily transported and marketed.

Opium thus created a succession of new political and economic orders in Asia
during the past two centuries. These included the state of the East India
Company itself, the new Malay polities of island Southeast Asia, the colonial
states of nineteenth-century Southeast Asia and the warlord regimes of
post-Qing China as well as the Guomindang and communist states that arose out
of that milieu. At the same time, the economies of the entire region were
radically reoriented, or perhaps "re-occidented" would be a more appropriate
word. India's opium production was brought under western control while
China's domestic economy was opened to the west. Southeast Asia was first
opened to western traders and then to western control. With the migration of
Chinese labor, Southeast Asian economies were transformed into
commodity-producing regimes focused on exporting to the industrializing
western Powers. Underlying all of this, opium rearranged the domestic
economies and pushed them down the path of mass consumption, which together
with mass production, typified the "modern" economic order.

It is possible to suggest a hypothesis that mass consumption, as it exists in
modern society, began with drug addiction. And, beyond that, addiction began
with a drug-as-commodity. Something was necessary to prime the pump, as it
were, to initiate the cycles of production, consumption and accumulation that
we identify with capitalism. Opium was the catalyst of the consumer market,
the money economy and even of capitalist production itself in
nineteenth-century Asia. This is why it seems appropriate to use the image of
Conrad's Patna as the symbol of the European empire in Asia. Whether it was
British, Dutch French, Spanish, Portuguese or even American, the white man's
domination of Asia rose and fell as a more-or-less unified enterprise. And,
before the onset of wide-scale industrialism, it was always a "drug"
enterprise beginning with spices and ending with opium. In 1900, as the
industrial century opened, the rusting, decrepit Patna was gliding off into
the silent sea to some uncertain demise, loaded with hapless Asians engaged
in their own pilgrimage, and piloted, so long as it seemed secure, by a crew
of weak, deluded and unreliable fools. The idealistic Englishmen, whom Conrad
admired, believed they had made something great and glorious, which would
last for ages. Conrad's message was that the reality of empire was far less
uplifting. The parasites of the empire, as Conrad saw them, the self-serving
Europeans, the Chinese, the Arabs, the "half-castes" and the corrupt Malays
were the only ones who managed to profit. In the end, something quite
different and extraordinary was created, something not even Conrad could have
imagined.

Opium was vital, both to the capitalist transformation of the local economies
as well as to the finance of the colonial administrative structures which
protected those economies. Opium was also important because it speeded those
vital changes in the relations of production that were necessary for
capitalist-style growth. Opium was the tool of the capitalist classes in
transforming the peasantry and in monetizing their subsistence lifestyles.
Opium created pools of capital and fed the institutions that accumulated it:
the banking and financial systems, the insurance systems and the
transportation and information infrastructures. Those structures and that
economy have, in large part, been inherited by the successor nations of the
region today.

pps. 171-173
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End

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