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http://www.alternet.org/story.html?StoryID=9401

AlterNet

July 4, 2000

Latest Mega-Merger: CBS and Colombian Government

By Dennis Hans

Hot on the heels of its acquisition of Viacom, the Columbia
Broadcasting System announced today that it has merged with
the government of Colombia.

"This opens the Latin American market to our primetime
programming," declared Lawrence Tisch, CBS's ecstatic CEO.
"At last, my Colombian amigos will discover why Everybody
Loves Raymundo and the joy of being Touched By An Angel."

Colombian President Andres Pastrana was equally enthused.
"My government's propaganda themes will carry great weight
when coming from the mouths of respected journalists such
as Dan Rather and Mike Wallace," he said. "The days of
Colombians begging and pleading for every last billion in
U.S. military aid are over."

Tisch said CBS would bow to Latin sensitivities and adopt
the Spanish spelling of Colombia. The new behemoth will call
itself Colombia Government BS.

Tisch and Pastrana expect swift FTC approval. "After all,"
said Pastrana, "it was the Clinton administration -- in
particular, Drug Czar Barry McCaffrey -- that brought us
together."

With his stern countenance and close-cropped hair, McCaffrey
appears an unlikely Cupid. In fact, he's played matchmaker
for years, fixing up pretty-but-poor media outlets with the
big-spending Office of National Drug Control Policy. The
result has been beautiful, mutually rewarding relationships
and the delivery of an important message to teens: Stay away
from dangerous drugs (except for the ones heavily advertised
in the media).

"Last summer I was alarmed by the growing strength of
Colombia's Marxist rebels," said McCaffrey. Working with key
Colombian generals, he developed a public relations campaign
to persuade the U.S. Congress and public to triple military
aid to the potentially oil-rich nation.

"The idea," said McCaffrey, "was to play up the drug war
and play down the civil war, portray the guerrillas as
'narcoterrorists' by exaggerating their role in and take
from the drug trade, and keep quiet about official drug
corruption and army ties to paramilitary death squads."

A tall order. "I expected cooperation from the U.S. media --
which we've gotten -- but I doubted that would be enough,"
said the drug czar. "What we really needed was a network of
our own."

When McCaffrey saw a news item in July about CBS's low
ratings and lower profits, he immediately phoned Tisch
and explained how the network could reap a Latin windfall.
Tisch was all aglow, and he asked the drug czar to arrange
a meeting with Pastrana. But Pastrana played hard to get,
saying he first wanted to see how CBS could help Colombia
before he'd agree to talk marriage.

Tisch dispatched news anchor Dan Rather to Bogota with
orders to make Pastrana's day. Using such time-honored
techniques as reliance on official sources and repetition
of disinformation as fact, Rather did just that.

"Dan's stories were a godsend," said Pastrana. "The
propaganda was all the more effective for having come
from a seemingly independent 'reporter.'"

Next, Tisch sent 60 Minutes tough guy Mike Wallace to
glorify the Colombian president. The resultant December
5 puff profile put the aid proposal on the fast track
and Pastrana in the mood to deal. Negotiations ensued,
culminating in the accord signed today.

The industry has taken notice. Fox and Disney-ABC have
intensified their wooing of China, and CNN top dog Ted
Turner reportedly has the hots for the Virgin Islands.

Back at the news division of Colombia Government BS, any
initial merger misgivings quickly subsided when Rather and
company learned they would be "double dippers," drawing fat
salaries both as journalists and official spinners.

"I'm just doing what I've always done: putting white hats
on our guys, black hats on theirs," said Rather. "It's the
contras and the Sandinistas all over again -- only now I'm
getting my just reward. When you serve two masters, you
should get paid by two masters."

"The business of news is business," said Wallace. "And
business is good."

--

Dennis Hans is a freelance writer and an occasional adjunct
professor of American foreign policy and mass communications
at the University of South Florida in St. Petersburg.

Copyright (c) 2000 Independent Media Institute. All Rights Reserved.

*****

                                 FAIR-L
                    Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting
               Media analysis, critiques and news reports





ACTION ALERT: Drug Czar Continues Assault on First Amendment

July 31, 2000

Once again, White House Drug Czar Gen. Barry McCaffrey is using federal
funding to bribe corporations to surreptitiously insert government-approved
messages into media content.

Salon.com (1/13/00) first broke the story that McCaffrey was giving TV
networks a financial incentive to put messages about drugs into
entertainment programming. Congress authorized McCaffrey's Office of
National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) to place millions of dollars' worth of
anti-drug commercials, but with the condition that the TV industry donate
time for similar public service announcements.

McCaffrey, however, has allowed the networks to avoid giving up valuable ad
space to public service announcements by giving them "credits" for airing
entertainment programming that dealt with the issue of drugs in ways that
met with the drug czar's approval.  At one point, the White House drug
office was even reviewing scripts in advance and suggesting revisions to
make sure that they conformed to the official line on drugs.  Affected shows
ranged from "ER" to "Home Improvement" to "90210."

Salon later revealed (3/31/00) that magazines from Seventeen to U.S. News &
World Report were accepting the same deal-- publishing articles with
government-approved anti-drug themes in order to avoid obligations to print
free ads about drugs.

McCaffrey's office responded to the Salon articles by accusing reporter
Daniel Forbes of not being a "disinterested reporter" and asking Salon to
disclose Forbes' "bias." The evidence: Forbes has written articles that have
been reposted on the website of the Media Awareness Project, which promotes
drug policy alternatives. ONDCP denies it is trying to discredit Forbes,
just trying to get Salon to practice "honest journalism"; "I think the
reader should know," McCaffrey aide Robert Housman told the Boston Globe
(4/10/00). This sudden fondness for full disclosure seems strange, given
that that ONDCP has been very quiet about its role in the anti-drug
propaganda it encourages.

Now the White House drug office is turning its attention to film: It will
pay for trailers that urge youth not to take illegal drugs, and the theaters
will agree to run other trailers about drugs for free.  If the theaters show
films with messages on drugs that the government approves of, however, they
will be free to run lucrative advertising trailers instead (Los Angeles
Times, 7/11/00).

All of these arrangements do serious damage to the First Amendment: They
give media corporations a financial incentive to transmit what is
essentially government propaganda.  Unsuspecting audiences have no way of
knowing that the messages they are receiving are designed to conform to the
official federal line on drugs.

ACTION: Please call on President Clinton to rein in Drug Czar Barry
McCaffrey and insist that the White House Office of National Drug Control
Policy no longer offer financial incentives for the insertion of
government-approved messages into media content.  Point out that the
promotion of undisclosed government propaganda is incompatible with the
First Amendment and the idea of a free press.

CONTACT:
President Bill Clinton
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correspondence.

For more background information, see:
http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2000/01/13/drugs/index.html
http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2000/03/31/magazines/index.html

                               ----------

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*****

June 30, 2000

Who is Policing the Police?

By Debi Brock <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, York University (Canada)

Policing is and always has been a para-military form of
organization. However, police practices have become
noticeably less restrained since the election of the Harris
government. Conservative ideologies and policies have
stripped basic rights from tenants, workers, and the poor,
while creating zero tolerance policies and boot camps which
focus on punishment, and ignore the social causes of crime.
At its annual meeting this week, the Ontario Association of
Chiefs of Police is proposing that civilian investigators
from the Special Investigations Unit (whose task it is to
investigate police conduct) be replaced by police officers.
Now that a government is in power which lacks the most basic
understanding of political rights and favours authoritarian
forms of governing, who is policing the police?

It is not only in Ontario that police power is expanding.
Former New York City Mayor Randolph Giuliani's clean up
campaign has been lauded on both sides of the border for its
`get tough on crime' successes, despite accusations of
brutality on the part of the NYPD. And last week, the
federal liberal government tabled a Bill that would allow
police forces across Canada greater latitude in breaking the
law in the line of duty.

The policing of public demonstrations has also rapidly
changed. Remember `Peppergate', when a public investigation
was launched after police pepper sprayed demonstrators
during the APEC meetings in Vancouver in 1997? Since that
time, pepper spraying demonstrators has become a routine
practice in crowd control, as we have seen in Seattle,
Washington, Windsor, and now Toronto. Yet when demonstrators
show up prepared with vinegar soaked bandanas and swimming
goggles, this is interpreted as them looking for trouble,
rather than attempting to protect themselves against a now
routine form of police assault.

I went to Queen's Park on Thursday June 15 as part of a
demonstration against the provincial Tory government's
agenda -- an agenda which is killing people daily, on the
streets, in the hospitals, and in Ontario communities like
Walkerton, where people risk their lives when they turn on a
kitchen tap. The demonstration was organized by the Ontario
Coalition Against Poverty, and endorsed by numerous unions
and community organizations. Trade unionists, university
professors, and church groups were among those who marched
from Allan Gardens to Queen's Park with marginally housed
and homeless people, demanding to be heard. What happened
that day can only be described as a `police riot'.

At Queen's Park, Ontario Coalition Against Poverty
spokesperson John Clarke addressed the crowd, stating that
the victims of poverty and homelessness should be able to
speak to the legislature. He announced that those who had
elected to attempt to do so should proceed. Some of the
demonstrators then moved forward and attempted to remove
barricades to the entrance to the legislature, chanting
`Whose house, our house!' to signal that people facing
poverty and homelessness were being ignored and denied
access to elected officials.

The police, in full riot gear, on horseback, in uniform,
were out in force, standing behind a barricaded entrance to
the legislature, while undercover officers were planted
among the demonstrators. They were prepared for a riot to
happen -- they had apparently been training for it for
weeks-and they immediately put that training into practice,
thereby actually creating the situation that they were there
to control. They immediately attacked demonstrators with
truncheons and pepper spray. Lines of riot gear clad police
surged forward, beating everyone within reach. When they
reached my location, well back from the front of the
demonstration, a friend and I jumped up on to a statue and
watched the people who had been standing immediately in
front of us, doing nothing, set upon and repeatedly clubbed
by groups of police, even after they were prostrate on the
ground. People were running in every direction, as they were
charged by police on massive horses sweeping from the sides
and down the middle of the park, in full gallop.  Riot
police paused periodically, only to renew their assault on
the crowds with a frenzy that conveyed a loss of control
within an orchestrated assault. During one of the pauses, a
police officer directly in front of me (since ordered off of
the statue) yelled at a woman standing beside me (not to
me-was I too well dressed?), `why aren't your working?' I
asked him what having a job had to do with citizenship
rights. His reply was one of those very deliberate smiley
sneers that I recall the villains making on the Saturday
morning cartoons I watched as a kid.

Police are trained to respond to dissent by containing and
de- escalating it. From a policing perspective, it would
have been appropriate to do so when demonstrators broke down
the barricades. That is not what happened. Instead, police
resorted to tactics which escalated the situation, and
provoked anger and sometimes violence from the crowd in
response. Everyone who attended that demonstration was
treated as an enemy of the public. Some, like me, were so
outraged by police actions that we refused to turn and run.
Others not only refused, but fought back.

In media accounts that I have seen and read, it was reported
that police responded to rioting protestors throwing stones,
sticks (from protest signs), horse dung, yellow paint, and a
Molotov cocktail. Yet this occurred only after police began
their assault on the crowd. The first items to be thrown by
some of the protestors were protest signs and horse dung. As
the police attack continued, the response escalated. About
25 minutes after police began their assault I saw a few
young men break up a brick sidewalk to fight back against
police truncheons. (A friend saw some disapproving women
protestors picking up the loosened bricks and putting them
in their purses, to prevent the bricks from being used as
weapons.)

It took approximately 45 minutes to clear the demonstration
from Queen's Park. We were pushed out onto the street at the
south east corner of Queen's Park, at which point OCAP made
the request that we march back to Allan Gardens.  Police
followed us to Allan Gardens, and continued to attack and
arrest people. I witnessed the arrest of Magaly San.
Martin, a community worker at Parkdale Community Legal
Services and doctoral student at the Ontario Institute for
Studies in Education. Magaly is a founder of the Latin
American Coalition Against Racism, and has worked for police
accountability. She was among those who participated in a
campaign to remove police association posters in the TTC
depicting Latin Americans as criminals. Magaly was charged
with participating in a riot and assaulting a police
officer, both indictable offences. An officer stated that
she had thrown 15 stones at police (her friends denied
this), while the Crown Attorney and Justice of the Peace at
her bail hearing both assumed her guilt, and moreover
described her as the clever ringleader of a riot. The JP
stated that `Maybe she thinks that she can get away with
that kind of thing in Chile, but in Canada we don't allow
that sort of thing.' Magaly's family had fled Pinochet's
military junta when Magaly was 13. She is familiar with a
police state, and she has worked with determination to
ensure that civil rights are protected and police are
accountable. And like me, Magaly had simply come to Queen's
Park to signal her opposition to Tory government policies.

Another casualty of the police riot that day was Toronto
councillor and member of the Police Services Board, Olivia
Chow. Olivia Chow and Councillor Jack Layton had arrived at
the south east corner of Queen's Park on their bicycles, and
witnessed police charging into the crowd on horseback. Chow
has been a tireless social justice advocate and has in the
past not been afraid to be critical of the police. She chose
to work within the system in order to ensure its
accountability. For merely daring to question police
conduct, she was forced to resign her position on the Police
Services Board.

In the days immediately following the demonstration,
mainstream media accounts were virtually unanimous in
declaring that what happened at Queen's Park was a riot by
protestors, which injured numerous police and their horses
(the many protestors injured by police are incidental in
these accounts). Police statements in media accounts indeed
garnered public sympathy by reporting injuries to horses
from thrown objects. When will police be held accountable
for using the horses as weapons, thereby placing them at
risk?

A `riot by protestors' has come to be understood as the
`factual' account of what happened at Queen's Park; one that
most people who only learned of what happened June 15 by
reading their newspapers or watching their television news
reports might reasonably assume to be true. Even allies like
Sid Ryan, the president of CUPE-Ontario, and anti- poverty
writer Pat Capponi have interpreted these media accounts as
truth, and condemned the demonstrators.  These now `factual'
accounts and the public condemnation for the demonstrators
that is produced out of these accounts then organize consent
for an expansion of repressive police powers and for more of
the iron fist policies that the provincial Tory government
have been putting into place since they came to power.

OCAP did declare that a war was going on, but it was a war
by the government against the poor. Some supporters did
attempt to breach police barricades. Some did fight back
against police with whatever they could lay their hands on
(and yes, at least one came prepared for a fight with yellow
paint, and another with a molotov cocktail). But I do not
want this to imply that there were respectable and
unrespectable protestors in Queen's Park, with the orderly
and respectable being hurt as a result of the actions of the
unruly, as some might charge. This government has chosen to
completely ignore democratic political protest -- hundreds
of thousands of Ontario residents have to date marched on
Queen's Park, only to be dismissed as marginal or
unrepresentative of legitimate Ontario citizens. The
mainstream media has become so used to frequent protests
that they no longer constitute a newsworthy event. Some
activists have recognized that the only way to capture media
and public attention, and to try to stem the tide of deaths
of the homeless on Toronto streets, is to engage in actions
-- like attempting to enter the Ontario legislature to
confront the government -- for which they will likely be
arrested. While this is not my choice of tactics, I cannot
blame them for choosing it. These are desperate times, and
this kind of reaction pales in comparison to the extent of
the crisis facing so many Ontario residents, as the gap
between the rich and the poor widens. This government must
be called to account. Given the events that I witnessed in
Queen's Park last week, so must the police.


Debi Brock teaches crime and social regulation in the
Department of Sociology, York University.

Copyright (c) 2000 Debi Brock. All Rights Reserved.


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