-Caveat Lector-

>From wsws.org

<><> Could this be the definitive definition of what "isn't" isn't ? <><>

"" Starr: "I do not have a recollection of that, but I am happy to now
search my recollection and to go back, in light of the specificity of your
question, and to provide the committee with information." ""

WSWS : News & Analysis : North America : Starr Investigation

The US impeachment drive

Starr refuses to answer questions from Judiciary Committee Democrats

By Barry Grey
8 December 1998

Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr is refusing to submit written answers,
under oath, to questions submitted to his office by Democratic members of
the House Judiciary Committee.

In a December 3 letter to the Republican chairman of the committee, Henry
Hyde, and the ranking minority member, John Conyers, Deputy Independent
Counsel Robert Bittman stated that Starr would not respond to written
questions sent by Conyers and three other Democrats on the committee, Zoe
Lofgren, Jerrold Nadler and Robert Scott.

Bittman's letter contradicts a directive given by the chair during Starr's
November 19 appearance before the committee, as well as Starr's own
assurances that he would respond in writing to inquiries sent to his office
by committee members.

This issue arose with particular sharpness during Starr's appearance before
the committee when Lofgren, a congresswoman from California, asked whether
Starr had had discussions in November 1997 concerning a tape recorded
conversation about a sexual relationship between Clinton and a woman.

Although she did not elaborate, Lofgren was referring to a November 21,
1997 telephone conversation with one of Paula Jones's lawyers secretly
recorded by Linda Tripp, in which Tripp spoke of Clinton's affair with
Monica Lewinsky, without mentioning Lewinsky's name, and informed the
lawyer that she had tapes of her conversations with the woman. (The
existence of the November 21, 1997 tape was reported last October 11 by the
Los Angeles Times, which said the tape was mentioned in transcripts from
Starr's investigation.)

Starr was obviously taken aback by the question and replied with a series
of evasions. The reason for his discomfort would be obvious to anyone
familiar with his investigation. In his referral to Congress and his sworn
statement to the Judiciary Committee on November 19, Starr said his office
first learned of Tripp's tapes revealing Clinton's relationship with
Lewinsky in early January of this year. If he knew of such tapes earlier,
he would be guilty of lying under oath to the committee.

Such knowledge would, moreover, demonstrate collusion between Starr's
office and the Paula Jones camp. The Office of Independent Counsel could
only have learned of the November 21, 1997 tape from Jones's lawyers, Tripp
or Lucianne Goldberg, Tripp's mentor and one-time Nixon dirty trickster.
Goldberg has acknowledged having been in regular contact with Richard
Porter, a partner in Starr's former law firm who collaborated with the
Jones legal team.

In the November 19 hearing Lofgren pressed Starr to answer her question,
forcing Republican Rep. James Sensenbrenner, at that point the acting
chairman, to order Starr to respond. The following exchange ensued:

Starr: "I do not have a recollection of that, but I am happy to now search
my recollection and to go back, in light of the specificity of your
question, and to provide the committee with information."

Lofgren: "So you would agree to answer that, under penalty of perjury, if
we followed up in a written request, after you've had time to reflect upon
it?"

Starr: "Well, I'm happy to consider any question, and if it is viewed as
germane to what is before you."

Sensenbrenner went on to stipulate that questions from committee members
were to be submitted to Starr's office within a week of the hearing, and
Starr's answers would be due the following week.

On November 24 Lofgren sent a letter to Starr reiterating her question
concerning the November 1997 tape. The following day Conyers sent a list of
19 questions, which focused on collusion between Starr's office and the
Paula Jones camp, illegal leaks to the media of grand jury testimony, abuse
of witnesses and violations of due process, and Starr's connections to the
right-wing billionaire publisher Richard Mellon Scaife.

Among Conyers' questions were several that directly challenged the veracity
of Starr's testimony before the Judiciary Committee. He asked Starr whether
he had ever discussed the Paula Jones case with his then-law partner
Porter. (During the November 19 hearing Starr sought to dodge this question
by saying he had "no recollection" of any such discussions.) Against
Starr's assertions that his office did not ask Lewinsky to secretly record
conversations with Vernon Jordan, Betty Currie or Clinton, Conyers cited
Lewinsky's grand jury testimony to the contrary.

He challenged Starr's assertions that his office did not collude with Paula
Jones's lawyers to set up the president, raising an anomaly that Starr has
never clarified: namely, that he knew the contents of Lewinsky's affidavit
when his prosecutors grilled her on January 16, even though Lewinsky's
lawyer did not send off the document until the end of the day and the judge
did not receive it until January 20.

The December 3 letter from Starr's office is a transparent attempt to avoid
submitting statements under oath that, if truthful, would expose elements
of a political conspiracy against the White House and point to previous
false testimony, or, if false, constitute new acts of perjury.

It is remarkable, but not surprising, that Starr's reversal of his public
assurances to members of the Judiciary Committee and his defiance of their
requests for information have gone virtually unreported in the media. It is
consistent with the role that the media has played since the beginning of
the Monica Lewinsky affair, promoting the Starr investigation and covering
up the reactionary and deeply antidemocratic forces behind it.

At the same time the press and TV have echoed the line of the
pro-impeachment lobby in the Republican Party, which has raised a hue and
cry over Clinton's answers to Henry Hyde's 81 questions. With a straight
face, news anchors and political analysts in the establishment press are
faulting the White House for outraging so-called moderates in the House of
Representatives and pushing them toward a vote for impeachment by failing
to admit to perjury and other crimes.

The silence of the media over Starr's stonewalling and evident perjury is
matched by that of the congressional Democrats and Clinton himself. They
have failed to even raise the issue of Starr's defiance of Judiciary
Committee Democrats. Both Lofgren and Conyers appeared on news interview
programs on Sunday, and neither mentioned the December 3 letter from
Starr's office.

Such cowardice and temporizing have characterized the actions of the
Democrats throughout the nearly year-long political assault led by Starr's
office. Their abjectness, despite the overwhelming public opposition to
Starr and the impeachment drive, has encouraged the most right-wing forces
in the Republican Party to press ahead with their efforts to destabilize
the Clinton administration.

As Clinton's lawyers prepare to present their defense of the White House
before the Judiciary Committee, it is clear they have decided against any
exposure of the political conspiracy underlying Starr's investigation or
its systematic violations of civil liberties and democratic rights. They
have, for example, dropped earlier plans for a panel of legal and
constitutional experts to discuss prosecutorial abuse.

Their immediate rationale is to avoid alienating Republican "moderates" who
might be cajoled into voting against impeachment when the matter comes to
the floor of the House next week. But this tactic of appeasement is itself
an expression of more profound questions.

Clinton and the Democrats are neither willing nor able to expose the threat
to democratic rights embodied in the Starr investigation, because to do so
would mean to lay bare before the American people the social interests
driving the political assault on the White House. It would require an
exposure of the political agenda of these forces, and the direct links
between the most reactionary elements in American society and the
Republican leadership, the highest echelons of the judiciary and the media.
The Democrats base themselves ultimately on the same social forces, and
have adapted themselves to their reactionary agenda, abandoning any policy
of bourgeois social reform.

To tell the truth about the political coup fronted by Starr is to expose
the internal decay of the entire political system in the United States, its
remoteness from any genuine connection to democratic principles, and the
vast and growing social inequality which it promotes and defends.

It means, in other words, to expose the class relations of American
capitalism, something which the Democratic Party, a capitalist party,
cannot do. The prostration of this party and its inability to defend
democratic rights underscore the necessity for the working class to build
its own mass party, on the basis of a socialist program.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Copyright 1998
World Socialist Web Site
All rights reserved
~~~~~~~~~~~~
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