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-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Monday, December 21, 1998 3:04 PM
Subject: [Fwd: War Powers Clinton vs Reagan]




 <<...>>
Will Editorialists Eat Their Words On War Powers?
By L. Brent Bozell III
December 17, 1998
Bill Clinton's decision to unleash the dogs of war as he tip-toes on the
precipice of impeachment conjures up a vision of White House defense lawyer
Greg Craig appearing before Congress declaring: "The President's military
action was evasive, incomplete, misleading, even maddening - but it's not
impeachable."
There's no dodging the suspicion that Clinton is seeking to save his bacon
by dropping some megatonnage on Saddam Hussein. After all, it's just what he
did when he bombed Osama bin Laden's alleged facilities in Sudan and
Afghanistan this summer. Both actions were launched with little or no
consultation with Congress, and with too little consultation with the
service chiefs at the Pentagon. Oh my, how the talking heads like Alan
Dershowitz and NBC anchor-in-training Brian Williams are going nuts over
that suggestion. How vile! How unpatriotic!
What hypocrites. How about the Democrats? In 1983, Clinton defender John
Conyers called for Reagan's impeachment for invading Grenada. (For good
measure, he earlier called for impeachment over the Gipper's alleged
"incompetence" in dealing with unemployment.) In 1984, as he ran for
President, and again in 1986, Jesse Jackson suggested Reagan should be
subject to an impeachment probe over U.S. actions in Nicaragua. Rep. Henry
Gonzalez called for impeachment in 1983 over Grenada and again in 1987 over
Iran-Contra. The National Organization for Women and the American Civil
Liberties Union advocated impeaching Reagan in 1987.
The major media didn't thump the tub for impeachment, but did suggest
forcefully that Reagan's actions were even worse than the Watergate offenses
that got Richard Nixon impeached. For example, in the January 9, 1984 New
York Times, then-Senior Editor John B. Oakes proclaimed: "President Reagan's
consistent elevation of militarism over diplomacy creates a clear and
present danger to the internal and external security of the United States.
Presidents have been impeached for less."
Oakes wasn't alone at the Times. On December 12, 1986, columnist Tom Wicker
offered an echo: "Mr. Reagan probably won't be impeached or forced to resign
- though the offenses resulting from his policy, or his somnolence on the
job, are more serious than any charge the House Judiciary Committee approved
against Mr. Nixon."
On February 24, 1987, Times columnist Anthony Lewis joined the chorus: "In
Watergate, the impeachment process carried forward so impressively by the
House Judiciary Committee viewed the President's responsibility in
constitutional terms. Each of the three articles of impeachment approved by
the committee found, in different particulars, that President Nixon has
violated the duty put on Presidents by the Constitution to 'take care that
the laws be faithfully executed.' The abuses of power now known to have
taken place in the Reagan administration are more serious, more fundamental,
than those involved in Watergate."
Fast forward to August 4, 1987, when in the first of many columns over 10
years attacking Congress for failing to impeach Reagan over Iran-Contra,
Washington Post columnist Mary McGrory complained: "But because the
President has thrown two rascals out [John Poindexter and Oliver North] and
replaced them with rational men, congress is ready to start over. It is
grateful to Reagan for not making them impeach him. Congress, like a
battered wife, will take back the abusive husband....Divorce, like
impeachment, can be so messy."
That liberal argument wasn't contained to editorial pages. It surfaced in
Time news writer Ed Magnuson's copy on June 22, 1987: "The Iran-contra mess
has been more complex and difficult for Americans to follow than the
Watergate tragedy, but according to New Jersey Congressman Peter Rodino, the
newer scandal illustrates a similar 'arrogance of power.' Rodino knows the
subject better than most; he chaired the House Judiciary Committee that
voted articles of impeachment against Richard Nixon. No similar threat
imperils Ronald Reagan, and there are many differences between the two
events. Still, as the hearings demonstrated, the Iran-contra misdeeds in
some ways are more far-reaching in their implications, placing U.S. foreign
policy in the hands of private citizens and arms merchants whose yearning
for profits may have exceeded their patriotism."
So where are these noble folks today? Have you noticed how the words "War
Powers Act" haven't been invoked much by the liberal media in the last, oh,
six years, now that a President they favor is lobbing the bombs? Where are
the calls for impeachment from John Conyers and Jesse Jackson? Where are the
charges of abuse of power from the editorial pages of The New York Times and
The Washington Post?
Nothing but silence. Stinking dead silence.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------
MEDIA REALITY CHECK, A Weekly Report
Thursday, December 17, 1998 - Vol. Two, No. 50 - Media Inquiries: Keith
Appell (703) 683-5004
John Conyers, Jesse Jackson, and Activist Groups Backed Impeachment for
Reagan's Military Actions
Will Liberals Waive Their War-Powers Stand?
Liberal Democrats have insisted that Clinton's perjury and obstruction is
not impeachable. But what will they say today when some prominent voices
against impeachment are on record with a much looser standard of impeachment
for Ronald Reagan, particularly for his failure to consult Congress before
military action? Will they now support an article of impeachment for
Clinton's use of arms without consultation in Iraq, not to mention Sudan?
Will reporters ask about these quotes?

March 16, 1983 Washington Post: "Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.) told the crowd
that President Reagan should be impeached and House Speaker Thomas P.
O'Neill Jr. should give up his leadership post for failing to deal with
joblessness. 'Why don't we impeach Reagan for incompetence,' Conyers said,
drawing loud applause from the crowd. Conyers said later that if enough
people demand Reagan's impeachment, he would lead the effort in Congress."
August 14, 1983 Washington Post: "Enough of these 'cream-puff' constraints
on presidential war-making decisions, cries Rep. Don Edwards [D-Calif].
Impeachment is the only way to stop Ronald Reagan's 'illegal war' against
Nicaragua."
October 28, 1983 Washington Post: New York Rep. Ted Weiss "argued that the
invasion [of Grenada] was illegal. After the committee session he suggested
that Reagan could be impeached for unilaterally starting a war." (Weiss was
succeeded by Rep. Jerrold Nadler.) The New York Times noted that also among
the seven calling for impeachment: Julian Dixon and...John Conyers.
April 13, 1984 Washington Post: "Jesse Jackson called on Congress to
consider holding hearings on impeaching President Reagan for the mining [of
Nicaraguan harbors]. 'If an act of war is taking place without the consent
of Congress, clearly it is surely an impeachable offense,' Jackson said
while campaigning in Arizona for the Democratic presidential nomination. 'I
do not call for his impeachment...but if he operates beyond the law, he
should be challenged.'"
October 10, 1986 New York Times: On the downing of a U.S. plane in
Nicaragua, Jesse Jackson "compared what he called the Reagan
administration's 'disinformation campaign' about the incident to a
'Watergate' that could be grounds for an impeachment."
March 6, 1987 New York Times: "Rep. Henry B. Gonzalez, Democrat of Texas,
who asked the House to impeach President Reagan after the Grenada invasion
in 1983, today introduced new articles of impeachment against Reagan
regarding the Iran arms affair."
June 22, 1987 New York Times: "The chief substantive issue taken up at the
[ACLU] conference was a proposed call for the impeachment of President
Reagan for abuse of power in the Iran arms scandal."
July 9, 1987 New York Times: National Organization for Women head Eleanor
Smeal "called on Congress to begin investigating the possibility of
impeachment proceedings against President Reagan, saying she disagreed with
the notion that Mr. Reagan should be allowed to quietly finish out his
term."-- Tim Graham





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