From: Sanho Tree <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> (by way of Michael Novick <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>) FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE November 30, 1998 CONTACT: Michael Schmitz (202) 225-2201 CIA Confirms It Allowed Contra Drug Trafficking Rep. Waters Calls On Committee to Hold Hearings In 106th Congress Washington, D.C. - Today Representative Maxine Waters (CA-35) called on House Intelligence Committee Chairman Porter Goss to hold investigative hearings into dramatic new developments in the scandal involving the CIA's complicity with Contra drug traffickers. "While the House Judiciary Committee continues to deliberate about the constitutional significance of trying to hide a private, extramarital affair, the CIA recently released a report that suggests further action against highest level Reagan Administration officials should have been pursued. This should be at the very top of the agenda for legislative business when the House Intelligence Committee reconvenes in the 106th Congress," Rep. Waters stated. Rep. Waters summed up the findings of the CIA's internal review, "simply stated, the CIA's Inspector General confirmed the CIA knew of Contra drug trafficking and chose to continue to work with and support the drug traffickers on their payroll." Rep. Waters called the CIA Inspector General's Report a "remarkable reversal and admission of guilt by an agency that had always vehemently denied any knowledge of or involvement with drug trafficking." "I was not surprised that the CIA employees who were in the field during the Contra war denied that they were supporting known drug traffickers when interviewed by the Inspector General," commented Rep. Waters. "These same employees face potential criminal prosecution if found to have knowingly supported drug traffickers in their singular pursuit of overthrowing the Contras." "I was surprised at the number of sources cited in the Inspector General's Report that confirm the CIA knew of and covered up Contra drug trafficking because of the central role so many of these Contra drug runners played in the anti-Sandinista effort. The Report also described a secret 1982 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the CIA and the Department of Justice that allowed drug trafficking by CIA assets, agents, and contractors to go unreported to federal law enforcement agencies. Rep. Waters explained that the MOU provides documented proof of the conscious effort by the Attorney General and the Director of Central Intelligence to protect Contra drug trafficking in the name of their Contra war effort. It is shocking, inexcusable, and should be acted upon by Congress." # # # The Honorable Porter J. Goss Chairman Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence H405 Capitol Washington, DC 20515 November 30, 1998 Dear Chairman Goss: As the House Permanent Select Intelligence Committee considers its legislative business for the 106th Congress, I urge the Committee to place the investigation into the allegations of U.S. intelligence involvement with Contra drug trafficking at the top of its agenda. I believe the dramatic new developments in this ongoing scandal make it imperative that the House Intelligence Committee hold full public hearings to be able to fully and adequately complete its investigation. I ask you to set a date for the commencement of these hearings as soon as possible after the start of the 106th Congress. The facts detailed in Volume II of the CIA Inspector General's Report suggest that further action against high level Reagan Administration officials and CIA officials should have been pursued. The Select Intelligence Committee should take immediate steps to pursue these new revelations. Remarkably, the declassified version of Volume II confirmed many of the key allegations of CIA and Reagan Administration support for Contra drug trafficking to the U.S. This is remarkable because of the long-standing policy of the CIA to deny any involvement with or knowledge of drug trafficking by the Contras and their supporters. In short, it is a complete reversal of the CIA's stated position to the public, press, and of course, Congress. The Washington Post reported the new revelations on November 3 with the headline "CIA Ignored Tips Alleging Contra Drug Links, Report Says," while the New York Times covered this damning report on October 10 stating "C.I.A. Said to Ignore Charges of Contra Drug Dealing in '80s." A number of other national and regional news organizations ran stories acknowledging the fact that the CIA's Inspector General confirmed the CIA knew of Contra drug trafficking and chose to continue to work with and support the drug traffickers on their payroll. Extensive new evidence revealed The declassified version of the Report released by the CIA Inspector General described how the CIA knew, at the highest level, that the Contra rebels intended to sell drugs in the United States to finance its war efforts. The Report details the voluminous evidence that the CIA and the Reagan Administration possessed regarding drug trafficking by CIA assets, contractors and individual supporters involved in the Contra movement. This evidence included some 1,000 cables sent to CIA headquarters in Langley alleging drug trafficking by at least 58 Contra leaders, 14 Contra pilots on the CIA payroll, CIA contractors and front companies, and the terrorist organization that later formed the core of the FDN, the leading Northern Front Contra organization. The Report states that these cables and leads were almost entirely ignored by CIA headquarters and the Reagan Administration in pursuit of their all-consuming goal of overthrowing the Nicaraguan government by any means necessary. Read Together - Reports Reveal Devastating Picture A complete reading of the CIA's internal review, Volumes I and II, and the Department of Justice's own recently released report confirms U.S. government knowledge of and complicity with Contra drug trafficking to the United States. For example, at the same time the CIA was starting its official involvement with the Contra rebels, a leading Contra faction, the Legion of September 15, "had made a decision to engage in drug smuggling to the United States in order to finance its anti-Sandinista operations." The infamous Legion of September 15 group included CIA asset Enrique Bermudez, the Contras' top military commander, and a number of other key Contra military commanders. Volume I of the IG's Report detailed the ties between Bermudez, Norwin Meneses and Danilo Blandon, the drug kingpins that Gary Webb wrote about in his Dark Alliance series. Volume I reported that Bermudez asked the two drug kingpins to raise money and supplies for the FDN and assured them their support was welcome because "the ends justify the means." Volume II reported that the CIA already knew that the Legion had completed "one drug shipment to Miami" by the time the CIA offered its official support in September 1981. The declassified version of the Report documents that the CIA also knew of the Legion's other exploits, including "kidnapping, extortion and robbery to fund its operations" in addition to the "bombing of Nicaraguan civilian airliners and airline hijacking." And despite all this information, the CIA continued to work with most of these CIA assets, violating existing law. When both reports are read together, it is clear that the Contra military commander's embrace of the drug kingpins Meneses and Blandon was part of the ongoing drug trafficking efforts by the FDN, and its precursor, the Legion of September 15, to raise funds for their military efforts. The Report also revealed the significance of a number of other previously lesser known participants in the Contra drug operations. The Report discussed the involvement of CIA agent Ivan Gomez in drug money laundering. Volume II revealed how a CIA Security/Counterintelligence section review of Gomez rejected his application for career CIA officer employment because "he was unable to [provide credible answers regarding drug trafficking]. Consequently, [Gomez] was amicably terminated effective 31 March 1988." Volume II detailed the findings of the CIA's interview with Gomez concluding the interviewer "believes Gomez directly participated in illegal drug transactions, concealed participation in illegal drug transactions, and concealed information about involvement in illegal drug activity." Unfortunately, the information of Gomez' drug trafficking was not included in Volume I, despite the extensive discussion of Ivan Gomez in "Volume I: The California Story." In Volume I, Carlos Cabezas stated that Gomez was with the CIA, and that Gomez was at meetings with Cabezas and other drug traffickers "to ensure that the profits from the cocaine went to the Contras and not into someone's pocket." Volume II filled in the blanks showing how Ivan Gomez was involved in drug money laundering before and after drug trafficker Carlos Cabezas met Gomez to give him drug money for the Contras. Volume II also unambiguously states that Gomez was a CIA "agent" and "covert action asset." In another example, Sebastian Pinel was identified as a "leader of one counterrevolutionary group in Honduras" in a number of CIA cables to Langley Headquarters. Pinel had previously been identified as one of the sources of cocaine for the Carlos Cabezas/Julio Zavala cocaine ring at the center of the San Francisco Frogman case. By identifying Pinel as both a Los Angeles distributor of cocaine for Cabezas/Zavala, and a leader of a Honduran Contra organization, Volume II adds more direct evidence of Contra involvement in the Frogman drug smuggling case. Manuel Porro Rubiales, identified in Volume II as a 15th of September Legion leader and member of the FDN General Staff support unit, was previously known to Federal law enforcement officials because he was arrested for drug trafficking as part of the DEA's Operation Alligator sweep in New Orleans in 1979. When he was arrested, Manuel Porro identified Norwin Meneses as a supplier to his drug ring. The new information in Volume II sheds light on how future Contra leaders were involved in bringing drugs into the U.S. even before they became Contra leaders. 1982 Memorandum of Understanding Shows Premeditation As you are also aware, the Report describes the previously secret 1982 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the CIA and the Department of Justice that allowed drug trafficking by CIA assets, agents, and contractors to go unreported to federal law enforcement agencies. In my opinion, it provides documented evidence of the conscious effort by the Attorney General and the Director of Central Intelligence to protect their Contra warriors from being prosecuted for their widespread drug trafficking. Volume II detailed how effective the MOU was in protecting the involvement of CIA assets in drug trafficking. Ivan Gomez' case was reviewed by the CIA's Office of General Counsel (OGC) which detailed how Gomez had received "$35,000 cash in a paper bag" and admitted that "Gomez could be guilty as a principal, accessory after the fact, or of conspiracy if he knew the money was part of a drug transaction." But the CIA's General Counsel then explained that any charge of Gomez trafficking drugs "is not a non-employee offense required to be reported under the [MOU's] procedures ... Although Gomez ... has ... been an independent contractor (for the CIA), he has never been an "employee' as defined in the MOU]." As a result of this legal hairsplitting allowed by the 1982 Memorandum of Understanding, the CIA never issued a referral to the FBI or DoJ for Gomez' drug trafficking and money laundering. Volume II also clearly states that no information relating to Gomez' possible involvement in drug trafficking was ever provided to Congress by the CIA. The Intelligence Committee needs to identify and question every individual that was part of developing and implementing this incredible MOU. Justice demands that those responsible for this governmental license to traffic drugs are held responsible for the damage to our nation which this MOU allowed. There are many CIA sources that remain anonymous and protected in these Reports despite their possible involvement in drug trafficking. Many unnamed sources are identified only as a CIA officer or CIA personnel throughout Volume I and II. In addition, the CIA devoted entire sections of Volume II to "A CIA Independent Contractor," "A Second CIA Independent Contractor," and "A Third CIA Independent Contractor." These CIA contractors were identified as drug traffickers, yet these drug traffickers had their identities protected in the CIA's Report. Why? It is my belief that the Committee must address the many questions of Executive misconduct and probable criminal activity when full Committee hearings commence. I believe it is particularly important to identify the many unnamed sources of information that were discussed in the declassified versions of the CIA's reports. At the end of Volume II, the Inspector General of the CIA laid down a challenge for legislators and law enforcement officials to continue the investigation of the CIA's protection of Contra drug traffickers, stating simply, "[t]his is grist for more work, if anyone wants to do it." We must rise to meet his challenge in the 106th Congress. I call on you, as Committee Chair, to ensure we meet this challenge when the 106th Congress convenes. Sincerely, Maxine Waters Member of Congress ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Help support ONElist, while generating interest in your product or service. ONElist has a variety of advertising packages. Visit http://www.onelist.com/advert.html for more information.
