-Caveat Lector-

Rehnquist to Congress:  Stop Federalizing Crime

On New Year's Eve day, Chief Justice of the United States
Supreme Court William Rehnquist delivered his annual end-of-
year report on the judiciary to Congress.  His message to
legislators, spoken in blunt terms, was to stop making a
federal case out of every crime that hits the headlines,
overburdening the federal judiciary in the process.

Rehnquist cited "the pressure on Congress to appear
responsive to every highly publicized societal ill or
sensational crime" as a driving force behind the fact that
the federal criminal caseload increased by 15% in 1998
alone.  "The trend to federalize crimes that have
traditionally been handled in state courts... threatens to
change entirely the nature of our federal system" he added.
The increased federal workload involving criminal matters,
with their constitutional guarantee of a speedy trial, has
wreaked havoc with the opportunity for civil litigants to be
heard.  There is often a three to five year wait for civil
trials.

Drug offenses are one category of crime that have been
largely federalized, giving prosecutors the option of
bringing charges in either federal or state court.  And
since federal mandatory minimum sentences tend to be
draconian, they are able to use the threat of federal
prosecution to force people to become informants.
The number of drug offenses tried in federal court each year
has risen from just over 12,000 in 1992 to more than 16,000
in 1998.

Scott Wallace, Director of defender legal services for the
National Legal Aid and Defender Association told The Week
Online that the problem stems from the desire of politicians
to make a name for themselves.

"This trend (the federalization of crime) arose from
Congress' frustration with its traditional role of simply
funding innovation.  There weren't many headlines to be had
for being thoughtful.  There was far more glamour in
actually toughening sentences.

"Members of Congress, even the attorneys among them are not
particularly knowledgeable about -- or if they are they are
not very concerned with -- the traditional separation of
powers between the states and the federal government.  Not
nearly as concerned as they are about getting their name on
a new law."

But according to Wallace, there is a cost.
"First, the federal sentences are almost always far harsher
than state sentences, which creates enormous disparities in
the way similar defendants are treated for the same offense.
In addition, when we look at the criminal law in its
traditional role, it is the most serious way in which a
community can express its varying degrees of disapproval of
specified behaviors.  By taking that power and placing it in
the hands of federal bureaucrats, who are wholly
unaccountable to the people of any particular city or state,
the connection between community values and that statement
of disapproval is lost.  Therefore, if the people of Iowa
think that its okay to carry a weapon, or else if the people
of Oregon don't think that the possession of marijuana is a
criminal act, it's irrelevant to a one size fits all federal
approach."

Rehnquist argued that before creating new federal criminal
legislation, legislators should consider whether there has
been a "demonstrated state failure" to deal with a
particular matter, and "whether we want most of our legal
relationships decided at the national rather than the local
level."

This issue has long been on Rehnquist's agenda.  In 1995, he
wrote the majority opinion in the Lopez case which struck
down the Gun Free School Zone Act, which had made it a
federal crime to possess a gun within a thousand yards of
any school.  Rehnquist reasoned that there was no credible
argument that the Act fell under Congress' powers to
regulate interstate commerce.

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