-Caveat Lector-

-----Original Message-----
From: Remy Chevalier <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Thursday, January 14, 1999 10:20 PM
Subject: [endsecrecy] End of Intel/Wash Times


The end of U.S. intelligence

By Richard Grenier

THE WASHINGTON TIMES

This was somewhere around the mid-1970s, when the Church committee was
at its height, and it looked if when it finished the United States
might have no intelligence service whatever. Pat Moynihan -- now
considered the most scholarly man in the U.S. Senate -- was then a Nixon
appointee as ambassador to India, in London on a visit. Mr.
Moynihan, in genuine alarm, since we obviously needed an intelligence
service, asked me what we were going to do? Reminding him that Alexis
de Tocqueville said that in foreign affairs patience and secrecy were
indispensable, I assured him confidently that the U.S. intelligence
function would not be abolished but merely shifted to another service,
for example the military. Mr. Moynihan was reassured.

Well, times have changed. The United States has changed. Mr. Moynihan
has changed. And perhaps above all, national attitudes to secrecy have
changed. Mr. Moynihan has served many long years in the U.S. Senate,
where his reputation for both intelligence and morality are
extraordinarily high. Among other duties, he put in eight years on the
Senate Intelligence Committee, years during which the American secrecy
cult grew to grotesque proportions.

It has been grotesque for some time. The "Venona" intercepts of
encrypted Soviet messages in the immediate post-war period -- now
public thanks to Mr. Moynihan --revealed many secrets, among them the
fact that Alger Hiss was unquestionably a Soviet agent. But Gen. Omar
Bradley never told President Truman. For decades the American public
wrangled acrimoniously over whether or not Hiss was a Soviet agent,
while our intelligence people knew he was an agent all along. But they
couldn't "compromise their sources." President Truman, who'd probably
never met a Communist in his life before Potsdam, could not, they felt,
be trusted with this super-secret information.

And secrecy in American government became institutionalized. At first,
of course, there was the Red Threat -- although with our present access
to Soviet figures we now have unmistakable evidence that this threat was
exaggerated, that the Soviet economy was weak, and that most of all it
was disintegrating. But in the Cold War secrecy reached absurd heights.
By 1996, the total of all classified U.S. documents had increased,
incredibly, to over five million. Information is power, and government
agencies refused to share intelligence even with other government
agencies. Also the bureaucratic rule is when an agency has fulfilled its
function, and its job is done, rather than go out of business the agency
invents new missions.

Mr. Moynihan's new book "Secrecy" (Yale University Press) draws heavily
on the work of social scientists Max Weber (who gave him the idea of
discussing secrecy as a form of regulation) and Emile Durkheim (who
described how it could be ritualized to stigmatize outsiders and
critics). Mr. Moynihan suggests that even McCarthyism itself might never
have existed had the security agencies revealed to the president the
full facts about the spy "menace," that it existed, that it was small,
and that it had been thoroughly investigated by the FBI.

Meanwhile Vietnam and Watergate, in combination with the withholding of
government information, created an opportunity for "secret" histories of
the Cold War. After the fall of Teheran to Muslim extremists, the new
adversary of the West was seen to be not Communism but fundamentalist
Islam, and along with that Marxism-Leninism in Latin America. It was
calculated that the United States might be due to make its last stand at
Harlingen, Texas. And still secrecy prevailed.

The Cold War, writes Mr. Moynihan, "has bequeathed to us a vast secrecy
system which shows no signs of receding, it having become our
characteristic mode of government in the executive branch." And he
questions whether the CIA has "adequately redefined its mission for a
new era." Secrecy has come at a price. Unfortunately, as has been said:
a government's obsession with secrecy "creates in its citizens an
obsession with conspiracy."

Conspiracy theories have been part of the American experience for two
centuries, but it now appears that in recent decades they've grown both
in size and public acceptance. Popular entertainment is filled to
overflowing with conspiracies. In 1993, an opinion poll found that 75
percent of Americans believe President Jack Kennedy was murdered by the
CIA in order to prolong the Vietnam War. In 1997, a Time-CNN poll
revealed that 80 percent of Americans believe the U.S. government is
hiding the existence of extraterrestrial life.

Mr. Moynihan's solution to all this is what he calls a "culture of
openness," which, as he explains it, would have spared us such traumas
as both the Bay of Pigs and, above all, the Cuban Missile Crisis. "The
central fact," he writes, "is that we live today in an Information Age.
Open sources give us the vast majority of what we need to know in order
to make intelligent decisions. It's time to dismantle government
secrecy, this most pervasive of Cold War-era regulations. It's time to
begin building supports for the era of openness that is already upon
us."

Mr. Moynihan's hero is George Kennan, author of the celebrated 1947
document announcing America's "containment" policy of the Soviet Union.
The only trouble is that Mr. Kennan has vacillated many times over the
years. A decade before the Soviet collapse, he was quite ready to give
up all kind of strategic and military positions. He wanted to induce
Greece and Turkey to withdraw from NATO. He wanted to abandon Korea and
the Philippines. And above all he wanted to give up our nuclear
deterrent by pledging "no first use" of nuclear weapons. Before World
War II, he advised Czechoslovakia to surrender "heroically" to the
Nazis. And a few years later, when the main adversary was Moscow, his
advice to Western Europeans, incredibly, was to pursue guerrilla warfare
under a Soviet occupation.


______________________________________________________

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