-Caveat Lector-
A confluence of conspiracies.
a Trivium of treacheroous Tendencies.
I attach three stories which show the strange Anglo-masonic/jewish/
illuminist-elitist that so often appear in the conspiracy literature.
Bernays in guatamala was helping pull down a democratically elected
(nationalist) government that was wanting to denationalise
properties that the previous totalitarian government had recently
nationalised . They wanted to increase the price of Bananas
to the USA. The chief instigators were the Dulles brother(Skull and bones
connections) Who then managed to kill 3rd worldd nationalism and make a
profit at the same time.
Blunt. The way the piece is written strongly suggests(to me ) that Victor
Rothschilds knew of Blunt's activities and was helping him gain admittance
to MI5(recruiting for the MI% and the KGB) at the same time. Blunt remained
keeper of the queens pictures almost right to the end, which is
weird...unless coleman is right.
That Hammer was a communist agent of influence has now been cofirmed from
the moscow archives. Mr Hoffmans story also shows the connections between
him and the anglo establishment(Nixon was a protege of Rockerfeller , hoover
a 33degree mason and an unusual dresser, and bush a bones man)
I still get lost in the widerness of shattered mirrors.
John
THE ECONOMIST REVIEW Oct 17 1998
History of advertising
A bigger lie
THE FATHER OF SPIN: EDWARD L. BERNAYS a
THE BIRTH OF PUBLIC RELATIONS. By Larry Tye. crown; 320 pages; $27.50
WHEN Edward Bernays and his wife Doris married in 1922, they wanted a
modern wedding, stripped of the pomp and ceremony that symbolised the
enslave-ment of woman to man. So they did it se-
cretly, in the marriage chapel of the New York Municipal Building, and
planned to let the news out casually, some weeks later. But with his passion
for publicity, Bernays could not bear it. The moment they got to the
Waldorf-Astoria, Doris recalled, "My
husband grasped the telephone and called hundreds of his most intimate
friends to tell them about our secret marriage."
To describe Bernays as the "father of spin" is, well, putting a bit
of a spin on it. People were puffing their clients' achievements long before
the Greek historian Thu-cydides composed the fine speeches that Athenian
generals supposedly made. But Bernays was one of the most interesting
figures in the spin business at a buccaneering time. American consumerism
was taking off, there was plenty of demand for the services of
public-relations men and none of the tiresome modern restrictions on
advertis-ing that today make it harder to tell bald-faced lies.
One of Bernays's skills was sensing where public opinion was moving,
and using it in his favour. His first success was a campaign for the
American To-bacco Company to encourage women to smoke. Slimness was becoming
fashionable for women, so he flogged cigarettes as a healthy
alternative to sweets, enlisting the help of "experts" to claim in the press
that cigarettes also disinfected the mouth.
Women were still resistant, though; which was when Bernays had the
brilliant idea of using cigarettes as a symbol of
emancipation. He put it about in the papers that the taboo against women
smok-ing in public was symptomatic of male oppression, and organised a march
down Fifth Avenue of fashionable young women with their "torches of
freedom". He orches-trated massive press coverage (which omitted to mention
that the march was led by his secretary). Aftetwards, newspapers carried
reports of women being seen smoking in the street; and within a few weeks,
the 12 Broadway theatres changed their rules to allow women into their
smoking rooms.
Bernays also invented a tool much-used since: the front
organisation. When, for instance, a new government in Guatemala threatened
to take over some of the vast plantations of the United Fruit Company, and
distribute it among the peasants, Bernays set up the Middle America
Information Bureau. United Fruit financed the Bureau, which provided
information to the newspapers about communist penetra-tion in Guatemala. The
newspapers printed the information, the American public was inflamed, there
was a CIA-backed insurgency and the elected government was toppled and
replaced by a right-wing totalitarian regime.
Most ofthe interest in this entertaining book comes from the
meticulous effrontery of Bernays's campaigns; but there is an ideological
conundrum, too, at the centre of it. Bernays was a passionate individualist
who wrote voluminously about the need to defeat communism by manipulating
opinion of the masses through the skilful use of propaganda. The paradox did
not, apparently, trouble him.
Too much of the book is devoted to Bernays's personal life which,
aside from the fact that he was Sigmund Freud's
nephew, and that while preaching the emancipation of women he did not lift a
finger in the house, is uninteresting until after his wife's death.Then, he
took up with a housekeeper young enough to be his grand-daughter. She said
they were very happy and had a wild sex life until he was 101. His daughters
accused her of spending his money and abusing a vulnerable old man.The
reader is left not knowing what to believe; which is perhaps a fitting end
to Bernays's life.
Electronic telegraph Saturday 10 January 1998 Issue 960
How Britain was betrayed: the KGB's story
Blunt on Cambridge, Marxism and his pride at serving KGB masters
ANTHONY Blunt, a member of MI5 throughout the Second World War, was the
so-called Fourth Man in the Cambridge spy ring. In many ways, he was the
most intriguing because his motives for betraying his country have remained
a mystery.
His colleagues Guy Burgess, Donald Maclean and Kim Philby were all convinced
communists who fled to Moscow when they were uncovered. Blunt refused to go
to the Soviet Union, choosing instead to retain his affluent, privileged
life as Surveyor of the Queen's Pictures until he was outed by Lady
Thatcher, shortly after she was elected Prime Minister. His knighthood and
his honorary fellowship at Trinity were annulled before his death in 1983.
Long before the Cambridge spies came under suspicion by the British
authorities, the KGB's Moscow Centre began to wonder if the Cambridge spies
were not too good to be true. A number of senior officers became convinced
that the British must know about Blunt and his colleagues and were simply
playing them back against the KGB in order to feed the Russians
disinformation.
Blunt was asked to write his own autobiography so that the KGB could check
it against the known facts. For more than 50 years it has lain untouched in
the KGB's files. Now it is to be published for the first time in a new book,
The Crown Jewels. Here, in his own words, Anthony Blunt explains why he
turned to communism and how he became the Fourth Man.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
I WAS born in 1907. My father was an Anglican priest and from 1920-21 was
British chaplain in Paris where we lived. My mother came of a family of
Indian civil servants who had for a long time been connected with government
service in India and also with the East India Company. I have two elder
brothers, one in business and the other a schoolmaster at Eton. My father
died in 1929 and my mother is still living near London. My other relations I
rarely see.
>From 1918 to 1926, I was at school in England and in 1926 I went to
Cambridge where I read mathematics and then languages. In 1932, I was
elected to a fellowship at Trinity College and stayed there doing research
until 1937. I then came to London and got a job at the Warburg Institute, a
German refugee institute from Hamburg. At the same time, I lectured for the
Courtauld Institute at London University in the history of art. I became
deputy director of it in the beginning of 1939.
In September 1939, I joined the Army and was given a commission in the
Intelligence Corps. In December 1939, I went to France in charge of a Field
Security Section. I came back in June 1940 and after a few weeks joined MI5
through my friend Victor Rothschild who was already working there. For a
time, I worked in D Division under Col Norman and then as personal assistant
to Capt Guy Liddell and then running a section on my own on diplomatic
problems under Dick White. There I still am. I do not think anything in my
career is of interest before 1934, when I first came in contact with party
members. Up till then I had been an ordinary Cambridge intellectual - an
"art for art's sake" type, with no interest in politics at all and even an
active [dis]belief that the arts - in which I was genuinely interested - had
any connection with active life or politics at all.
In 1933 I went abroad for the greater part of a year. My fellowship allowed
me to study elsewhere than in Cambridge. This year I spent mainly in Italy
and south Germany working by myself studying architecture. I came back to
Cambridge, however, for an examination in January 1934 and found that the
intellectuals whom I had known before I went away were all coming under the
influence of communism. Guy Burgess, who had been almost my closest friend
before I went away, had joined the party and James Klugmann, who had been a
brilliant student of mine and also a friend, had also joined. I was only in
Cambridge a week or so at this time, and was not affected by what I saw
beyond a vague surprise at finding so many intelligent people joining the
party.
When I came back in October, things were quite different. Events which took
place in Germany had begun to penetrate even my intellectual isolation, and
I was becoming dimly aware that my own position wasn't quite satisfactory.
In this state of mind, I found myself in constant contact with members of
the party whose outlook was totally different from mine. At first I could
see no arguments for their views but gradually I came to feel that apart
from their attitude towards politics - about which I still felt completely
unable to form any opinion - their views on subjects which I understood,
such as history, and, above all, my own subject of history of art, were not
only interesting, but even provided a real basis for understanding the
subject correctly and in a scientific manner.
This feeling gradually grew inside me also owing to the influence of Guy
Burgess, Klugmann, John Cornford and others belonging to the same group. So
I became fully convinced in the correctness of the Marxist approach to
history and the special subject in which I was interested. Naturally when I
was becoming acquainted with the Marxist approach to different subjects, I
also listened to various discussions on political topics of the contemporary
situation and gradually became convinced that the Marxist point of view in
the given matter made sense.
I know this is outdated but I am speaking about the way my personal
consciousness changed. In spite of the fact that I still feel that politics
is a difficult subject for me, my views have changed entirely and I realised
the importance of understanding politics not only for practical purposes but
also as a necessity for my own specialist studies.
By this time, I was seeing almost entirely the Left-wing students and came
to be regarded as very close to them. Many people thought I was a member of
the party. I was only once asked to join, by Roy Pascal, a member of the
group of dons who had joined. Fortunately, at the moment the obvious
suggestion was made, I did not accept, giving as my excuse that there were
too many points about which I was not clear and that I did not want to
commit myself till I had thought them out.
During my last years at Cambridge, roughly from 1935 to 1937, I knew a great
many of the party members among the students. Apart from those mentioned
above: Brian Simon, Michael Straight, John Cairncross, Leo Long. And among
dons, Maurice Dobb, Roy Pascal, George Thompson, Bernal Waddington and his
wife.
I used to attend and lecture to various student societies which were started
by these men, but always on literary or historical subjects. These lectures
or discussions were clearly Marxist in approach and I was therefore commonly
thought to be a sympathiser, though I know from things I heard later that
the tougher party members, such as Klugmann, thought I was hopeless and
would never get any further. This opinion was partly formed after I had
started to do our work and was trying to combine the difficult task of not
being thought Left-wing and being in the closest contact with all Left-wing
students, to spot likely recruits for us.
The recruits whom I took were Michael Straight and Leo Long. John Cairncross
I was asked to contact and did so for Guy Burgess. I was never officially
told whether he was taken and he knows nothing of my activities. There are
others who know about my activities: Kim and Litzi [Philby] in circumstances
about which you know; Goronwy Rees with whom I was put in touch at the time
of Munich.
Goronwy thinks that I stopped working at the time of the Russo-German treaty
at the same time as Guy Burgess; Brian Simon in circumstances which you know
in order to remake contact with possible students; Edith I know by name
only, and she knows mine. I believe that through her my name is also known
to Bob [Stuart, Communist Party official responsible for liaison with the
Soviet embassy] for whom we were all working in your absence.
This also I think applies to Guy, Kim and Litzi. I have wondered whether
there is any danger of Bob ever mentioning any of our names at King Street
or at Great Newport Street [Communist Party offices, bugged by MI5] in front
of the microphone, but I do not imagine he would have any cause to do so.
That covers my activities up to the beginning of the war, since for the two
years just before it I was almost completely inactive. For the first part of
the war I was able to do little that was useful. I went through various
courses of training for the Intelligence Corps at Minley and Mytchett and
gave in the notes I took there. In France, I had no contacts until I met
Kim, and then he was also out of contact, and my war career did not bring me
into contact with anything of interest to us.
After Dunkirk, I came back and after a week or two, during which I was sent
to Dover to help the security people there in the evacuation, I was asked by
Rothschild whether I would like to join MI5. I agreed to do so and it was
originally intended that I should work with him in his counter-sabotage
section. Since, however, I was in the Army, the military part of the office
claimed me.
You will remember that when I was doing a course at Minley I was sent for by
the commandant, Col Shearer, and told that he had received orders from the
War Office that I was not to be employed on intelligence work. I went to
London to await orders.
After a day or two, I was sent for by Brig Martin, Deputy Director of
Military Intelligence, and given a long interrogation. He told me that they
had received reports that I was "connected with communism" and had been to
Russia. I gave a long explanation of my position, saying my interest was
purely in the intellectual side of Marxism and I had studied it mainly in
connection with my historical studies. After a long talk he said he would
think the matter over and let me know what I was to do. Later I got a letter
telling me to go back to Minley for the next course.
I have never yet fully fathomed the truth of this incident. The original
decision not to employ me must have come from MI5. I imagine that Shearer,
who was very kind over the whole thing, probably raised my case with the
DDMI. He therefore sent for me and after the interview presumably decided
that he would not take the advice of MI5 but would employ me all the same.
One thing is, however, mysterious. When I eventually joined MI5 my name was
put through the registry in the ordinary way by Rothschild. He told me that
the only records were an intercepted postcard from Maurice Dobb to Left
Review, suggesting that they should print an article of mine, and mention my
name on the list of those visiting Russia in 1935. These he did not consider
important and they were ignored. But if MI5 had recommended that I should
not be employed there should, among the papers under my name, be a letter to
that effect. If so, this should have appeared when my name was looked up in
1940. I do not believe that it did, because I am sure that Rothschild would
have mentioned it to me, and moreover there would then have been more
difficulty about my employment.
There seems to me only one possible explanation. The letter would have been
in a file with a number which the secretary would immediately recognise as
being simply an application for employment. She may therefore have said that
it was not worth sending for it, not realising it contained a letter
recommending non-employment. This is only a guess and I have never wanted to
go further into the matter because I do not want to call attention to the
problem.
I have taken the precaution to mention privately and in a half-joking way to
Liddell and White that C Division once recommended that I should not be
employed. I did this partly because they both know all about my past
contacts with the party and also because I want, if ever challenged on the
subject, to be able to say that I had not concealed the fact that I had been
turned down, but had, on the contrary, mentioned it to my bosses.
============================================================================
================
THE HOFFMAN WIRE
INVESTIGATIVE REPORTING and CRITICAL ANALYSIS of the ESTABLISHMENT MEDIA
MICHAEL A. HOFFMAN II, Editor
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.hoffman-info.com
Senator Al "Whore" Sr.
May He Rot in Hell
The eulogies, encomiums and laurel wreaths have all been bestowed upon the
carcass of one of America's most despicable turncoats, the late Al Gore Sr,
father of the Vice-President, R.I.H (Rot in Hell).
The American media, true to form, suppressed the veritable Niagara of
documentation on former Sen. Gore Sr.'s Communist service, corruption and
the fact that since the 1950s he had been bought and paid for by the son of
the founder of the Communist Party USA, Jewish financier Armand Hammer.
All of that was air-brushed out of the insipid greeting card obituaries for
Gore which were issued by our "tough, investigative" and may I add,
pro-Communist news media.
Earlier this year, this writer detailed the facts on Hammer, Gore Senior and
Junior, in a special dossier compiled for our "Revisionist History"
newsletter entitled, "Hammered" (U.S.$6.50 postpaid; overseas $9 US
funds/bank. Order from Independent History, Box 849, Coeur d'Alene, Idaho
83816.
Here are additional facts:
Hammer owned Al Gore Senior lock, stock and whiskey barrel. Hammer kept
Senator Gore Sr., as he liked to say, "in my back-pocket." When he said
this, Hammer would touch his wallet and chuckle.
Throughout virtually the whole of his political career , until 1990 when
Hammer died at age 92, Al Gore Senior and the Gore family depended on
bribes, kick-backs and "salaries" from Hammer.
Hammer exploited his outright ownership of Gore Senior's political career as
Congressman and later Senator and even became part of the Gores' intimate
family life.
Gore Sr.'s Sugar-Daddy Hammer was an agent and accomplice of every Soviet
leader from 1917 onward, from Lenin to Gorbachev. Hammer made his first
millions in the 1920s, initially through the operation --with slave labor
--of a Soviet asbestos mine, in the shafts of which the bodies of the
murdered Imperial family of the Czar had been dumped.
In the early 1920s Hammer laundered money for Lenin and sold looted Russian
art treasures in partnership with Mikoyan, to enrich himself and the
Bolshevik regime.
In 1931 Hammer established a banking operation in Paris specifically to
provide foreign exchange funds for Stalin.
Meanwhile, Hammer bribed and suborned elected officials at all levels of
American life, from mayors to presidents.
Hammer first took control of Gore Sr. in the early 1950s when he was a
struggling hick Congressman, putting him on the payroll of a cattle-breeding
business which Hammer owned, thereby funneling Gore Sr. large sums. In
return for the cattle money, Gore and other powerful legislators also
feeding at the Hammer trough, suppressed an FBI investigation into Hammer's
Communist espionage.
Later Gore Sr. defended Hammer on the floor of the Senate against
allegations of bribery in obtaining government contracts (the allegations
were true).
Vice-President Al Gore Junior's political career was launched and sponsored
as a wholly owned subsidiary of Armand Hammer, from Gore's initial success
as a politician until just two years before he assumed the vice-presidency
in 1992. Gore Jr.'s wife Tipper had a personal relationship with the priapic
Hammer, the details of which are still being investigated by yours truly. (I
do know that she "hitched" rides from Europe to America on Hammer's private
luxury jet).
In the 1960s, as chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, Gore Sr. helped broker Hammer's lucrative oil deal with Libya,
upon which Hammer's Occidental Petroleum Corporation would fatten
handsomely.
After he was defeated in his last senate election contest, Gore Sr. was made
a director of Hammer's Island Creek Coal corp. at an annual "salary" of
one-half million dollars. In the 1980s Gore's "salary" rose to $750,000.
Most of the Left in America is convinced that a mighty McCarthyite
anti-Communist apparatus was deeply entrenched in the U.S. government, only
releasing its grip during the administration of Jimmy Carter. Nothing could
be further from the truth.
Almost all of the redoubtable "Commie fighters" from J. Edgar Hoover to
Richard M. Nixon were engaged in an elaborate charade of anti-Communism,
when in actuality they represented the government which had financed,
nurtured and strengthened Communism and, with the defeat of Germany, then
declared the Communists "The Enemy."
By this ruse, the military-industrial complex in the U.S., led by such huge
multi-national corporations as General Electric, was able to reap profits
beyond the dreams of avarice, from this staged enmity.
A case in point is Nixon. The "Commie-fighter" needed deep pockets to wage
his Watergate wars. Armand Hammer, well-known to Nixon's intelligence team
as Soviet Communism's "Capitalist Prince," needed credits from the US
Export-Import Bank to follow through on a financial windfall he had devised
for the Soviets by means of a billion dollar fertilizer deal.
At that point in the "Cold War", such credits were not officially granted
for trade with the USSR. What Hammer wanted from Nixon was nothing less than
a change in the law conferring Most Favored Nation trading status on the
Soviets.
"Commie fighter" Nixon complied. Hammer received his $200 million EximBank
credits and almost secured the MFN status for the Russians. The Soviet
Communists were temporarily denied that victory when Nixon was forced to
resign the presidency.
Nixon in turn received a Hammer slush fund for covert operations. In
addition, Hammer distributed supplementary millions to Nixon allies
including at least $100,000 to Maurice Stans, Sec'y of Commerce.
It was Hammer's money that Nixon had in mind when he informed Haldemen and
Erlichman that a million dollars in cash was available to pay for their
illegal acts.
When George Bush was waging his great White House "war on drugs" he was also
receiving funds from Hammer to look the other way while Hammer set up the
Shining Path Maoist guerrilla movement (yes, Hammer enjoyed easy access to
China and taught Al Gore Junior the avenues of access to Bejing). Shining
Path soon seized control of Peru's billion dollar cocaine traffic and split
the proceeds with the Gores' Jewish Godfather.
But not a word of this was breathed during the funeral of "Sen. Whore," who
was rendered America's saint by a media as prostituted as he was.
Just substitute Nazi for the word Communist in the preceding profile and
imagine what kind of investigative digging, ringing denunciations and uproar
would have been ensued in the media upon the passing of so effective and
flagrant a Nazi operative. But Gore Sr.'s Communist operations are not an
issue with our "free press."
--Michael A. Hoffman II
Hoffman is a former reporter for the American Contemporary Radio Division of
ABC News and the New York bureau of the Associated Press.
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic
screeds are not allowed. Substance�not soapboxing! These are sordid matters
and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright
frauds is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects
spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL
gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers;
be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and
nazi's need not apply.
Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
Archives Available at:
http://home.ease.lsoft.com/archives/CTRL.html
http:[EMAIL PROTECTED]/
========================================================================
To subscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SUBSCRIBE CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To UNsubscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SIGNOFF CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Om
