-Caveat Lector-

>From the NY Times:

By DON VAN NATTA Jr. and JILL ABRAMSON

WASHINGTON -- This time last year, Hillary Rodham Clinton described, in a
now-
famous appearance on the NBC News program "Today," how a "vast right-wing
conspiracy" was trying to destroy her husband's Presidency.

As it turns out, some of the most serious damage to Bill Clinton's
Presidency
came not from his high-profile political enemies but from a small secret
clique of lawyers in their 30's who share a deep antipathy toward the
President, according to nearly two dozen interviews and recently filed court
documents.

While cloaking their roles, the lawyers were deeply involved -- to an extent
not previously known -- for nearly five years in the Paula Jones sexual
misconduct lawsuit. They then helped push the case into the criminal arena
and
into the office of the independent counsel, Kenneth W. Starr.

The group's leader was Jerome M. Marcus, a 39-year-old associate at the
Philadelphia law firm of Berger & Montague, whose partners are major
contributors to the Democratic Party.

Although Ms. Jones never met him or knew he had worked on her behalf, Marcus
drafted legal documents and was involved in many of the important strategic
decisions in her lawsuit, according to billing records and interviews with
other lawyers who worked on the case. As much as any of Ms. Jones's
attorneys
of record, Marcus helped keep Ms. Jones's case alive in the courts.

Marcus recruited others to assist his efforts, including several friends
from
the University of Chicago Law School. One of those who was approached, Paul
Rosenzweig, briefly considered doing work for Ms. Jones in 1994, according
to
billing records and interviews, but decided not to. In November 1997,
Rosenzweig joined Starr's office, where he and Marcus had several telephone
conversations about the Jones case.

It was Rosenzweig who fielded a "heads-up" phone call from Marcus on Jan. 8,
1998, that first tipped off Starr's office about Monica S. Lewinsky and
Linda
R. Tripp. The tip was not mentioned in the 445-page Starr report, even
though
the information revived a moribund Whitewater investigation that would not
have produced, it now seems, an impeachment referral to Congress.

Marcus did make his views known publicly last month when he wrote an
impassioned commentary in The Washington Times urging the impeachment of
Clinton. "The cancer is deadly," Marcus wrote. "It, and its cause, must be
removed." He identified himself in the newspaper simply as "a lawyer in
Philadelphia."

In his long efforts to promote Ms. Jones's lawsuit, and in helping Mrs.
Tripp
find her way to Starr, Marcus found other allies, including another Chicago
law classmate, Richard W. Porter. Porter had worked as an aide to former
Vice
President Dan Quayle and was a partner of Starr's at the law firm of
Kirkland
& Ellis, based in Chicago.

George T. Conway 3d, a New York lawyer educated at Yale, shared Marcus's low
view of President Clinton. When the Jones case led to Ms. Lewinsky, Marcus
and
Conway searched for a new lawyer for Mrs. Tripp. Marcus and Porter helped
arrange for Mrs. Tripp to take her explosive allegations to Starr.

Their efforts are only now coming into focus, as a few of their associates
have begun to discuss their activities and their names appear repeatedly in
the final legal bills submitted by the original Jones legal team. Messrs.
Marcus, Porter and Conway did not respond to numerous requests for comment.

In their arguments before the Senate this week, the President's lawyers said
that there was collusion between Starr's office, Mrs. Tripp and the lawyers
for Ms. Jones in the weeks leading up to the President's deposition last
January. If witnesses are called in the Senate impeachment trial, the
President's lawyers may explore the issue further, several Clinton legal
advisers said.

Charles G. Bakaly 3d, the spokesman for Starr, denied there was collusion
between the independent counsel's office and the Jones team, including
Marcus.
"There was absolutely no conspiracy between the Jones lawyers and our
office,"
Bakaly said. "Judge Starr has testified to the circumstances as to how this
matter came to our attention, and the actions that we took thereafter."

Clinton said in his grand jury testimony in August that his political
enemies
"just thought they would take a wrecking ball to me and see if they could do
some damage." That wrecking ball was wielded by Marcus and his colleagues,
who
managed to drive Paula Corbin Jones's allegation of sexual misconduct into
the
courtroom and beyond.

Three Classmates at Chicago Law School

arcus, Porter and Rosenzweig were classmates at the University of Chicago
Law
School, graduating in 1986. Conway met the others through the Jones case.
Some
of the lawyers were also involved with the Federalist Society, a legal group
that includes conservative and libertarian luminaries like Starr, Robert H.
Bork and Richard Epstein, a University of Chicago law professor.

Porter was the most overtly political member of the group, having worked on
the staff of Vice President Quayle and on the Bush-Quayle campaign, where he
did opposition research.

Porter was also an associate of Peter W. Smith, 62, a Chicago financier who
was once the chairman of College Young Republicans and a major donor to
Gopac, a conservative political group affiliated with former Speaker Newt
Gingrich. Beginning in 1992, Smith spent more than $80,000 to finance
anti-Clinton research in an effort to persuade the mainstream press to cover
Clinton's sex life. Among others, his efforts involved David Brock, the
journalist who first mentioned the name "Paula" in an article on Clinton.

Smith declined an interview request.

In 1993, Brock said, Smith helped introduce him to the Arkansas state
troopers
who accused Clinton of using them to procure women when he was Governor of
Arkansas. Brock wrote an article based on the troopers' account of Clinton's
sexual escapades that was published in the January 1994 issue of The
American
Spectator, a conservative magazine. According to Brock, Smith wanted to
establish a fund for the troopers, in case they suffered retribution. Brock
said he opposed payments because they would undermine the troopers'
credibility.

To allay his concerns, Brock said, Smith urged him to speak to Porter, who
was
then working at Kirkland & Ellis, the Chicago law firm that employed Starr
in
its Washington office. Brock said he had hoped his talk with Porter would
put
an end to any planned payments to the troopers, but Smith did pay them and
their lawyers $22,600.

In 1992, Smith also paid Brock $5,000 to research another bit of Arkansas
sex
lore regarding Clinton, a rumor that has since proved to be baseless. Brock
did not pursue an article.

Brock's trooper article in The American Spectator mentioned a woman
identified
as "Paula," and in May 1994, Ms. Jones filed her lawsuit against President
Clinton. Ms. Jones's lawyers of record were from the Washington area,
Gilbert
K. Davis and Joseph Cammarata, whom Marcus had helped recruit.

Lawyers of Record Had Help From Start

he Davis and Cammarata billing records show that from their earliest
involvement in the case, they were consulting with Marcus and Porter. Conway
also helped draft briefs, Cammarata said.

"Marcus was involved," Cammarata said, "but he insisted that he not be
identified. But that was fine with me. We were just two guys involved in the
middle of a world war. We welcomed his help."

No one was more important to the Jones case than Marcus. Besides helping to
write several important briefs, Marcus spoke numerous times at the most
critical moments in the case with Cammarata and Davis, offering legal advice
that Cammarata said was "vital."

According to the billing records, Porter also offered "legal strategy" and
once wrote a memo on "investigative leads" that might embarrass the
President.

"Porter was a cheerleader," Cammarata said. "He used to call up and say,
'Maybe we can find you some money.' "

One of President Clinton's legal advisers said he noticed a marked
difference
in quality between the routine legal pleadings filed by the Cammarata and
Davis team, and the polished, scholarly briefs written by the shadow legal
team headed by Marcus and Conway.

Marcus, meanwhile, was so successful at keeping the extent of his role a
secret that even Cammarata only found out recently that Marcus had trouble
finding lawyers to agree to represent Ms. Jones. "No one wanted to touch
this
case," Cammarata said. "No one wanted to take on the President of the United
States."

Another friend of Marcus also briefly considered assisting the Jones
lawyers.

In June 1994, Rosenzweig, a lawyer at a small law firm in Washington, with
experience working in the Justice Department, expressed interest in doing
legal work on behalf of Ms. Jones, but he did none, lawyers involved in the
case said.

Law Firm Included Influential Democrats

onway wanted his role kept hidden as well, because his New York law firm,
Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz, included influential Democrats like Bernard
W.
Nussbaum, a former White House counsel. Conway's name does not appear on any
billing records.

Although the billing records show communication between Porter and the Jones
lawyers from 1994 to 1997, he denied in a written statement last fall doing
legal work for Ms. Jones.

Because Porter is a partner at the firm where Starr worked until he took a
leave of absence last August, any role played by Porter in the Jones case
could have posed a conflict of interest for Starr once he became independent
counsel. Starr has said he did not discuss the Jones case with Porter.

Starr has acknowledged contacts with Davis, specifically six telephone
discussions the two had in 1994, before Starr became independent counsel. In
fact, Starr has been criticized for not disclosing the phone conversations
to
Attorney General Janet Reno when he was seeking to expand his investigation
to
the Lewinsky matter. Starr has said it did not occur to him to mention the
conversations because he did not do work on the Jones case and simply
offered
his publicly stated position on a point of constitutional law that
Presidents
are not immune from civil lawsuits.

Before the Jones lawyers argued before the Supreme Court in May 1996, paving
the way to the fateful 9-0 decision that the President was not immune from
civil lawsuits, Conway went to Washington for a practice argument. He joined
Davis, Cammarata, Judge Robert Bork and Theodore Olson, a Washington lawyer
and friend of Starr, at the Army-Navy Club here.

When Cammarata and Davis quit as Ms. Jones's lawyers after she failed to
reach a settlement with President Clinton's lawyers in 1997, Marcus and his
colleagues established ties to her new lawyers at the Dallas law firm of
Rader, Campbell, Fisher & Pyke and the Rutherford Institute of
Charlottesville, Va., which helped pay her legal expenses.

In November 1997, Rosenzweig went to work as a prosecutor in Starr's office.
And from November to January, Rosenzweig spoke several times by telephone
with Marcus and discussed the Jones case, a lawyer with knowledge of the
conversations said. But Bakaly, a spokesman for Starr, said that Rosenzweig
did not tell any of his colleagues about what he learned about developments
in the Jones case.

By this time, Mrs. Tripp was cooperating with the Jones lawyers. She was
also
taping her conversations with Ms. Lewinsky, which her friend, Lucianne
Goldberg, a Manhattan literary agent, had incorrectly assured her was legal.
In December, Mrs. Tripp became frantic that she might be prosecuted because
such taping is illegal in Maryland, where Mrs. Tripp lives. Mrs. Tripp and
Ms. Goldberg thought of a possible solution: perhaps she could receive
immunity from prosecution from Starr.

Ms. Goldberg called Smith, the Chicago financier, and Porter for advice on
how Mrs. Tripp might approach Starr. In a teleconference during the first
week of January 1998, Ms. Goldberg talked to Porter and Marcus. Meanwhile,
Marcus sought new lawyers for Mrs. Tripp. Conway suggested an old friend,
James Moody, a Washington lawyer and fellow Federalist Society member, whom
Mrs. Tripp retained.

Because he was Starr's former law partner, Porter did not want to be the
first one to call the independent counsel's office on behalf of Mrs. Tripp.
So Marcus made the call to Rosenzweig.

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