-Caveat Lector-

from:
http://www.aci.net/kalliste/
<A HREF="http://www.aci.net/kalliste/">The Home Page of J. Orlin Grabbe</A>
-----


Chinese Politics

Dissidents Openly Defy Beijing

Central control continues to disintegrate

BEIJING - A group of 18 dissidents on Thursday openly challenged China's
ruling Communist Party by forming five new branches of the banned China
Democracy Party despite a crackdown on organized dissent.
The move came on the same day as a court in the city of Hangzhou
sentenced an American-educated and Spain-based dissident to a four-year
prison term for sneaking back into China and giving $1,000 to a local
dissident who had earlier launched the public campaign to form the China
Democracy Party.

The developments Thursday are an indication of both the tenacity of
government opponents and of the government's determination to stop them.
While the dissidents said that the coordinated effort by opposition
campaigners in five provinces marked the beginning of the ''second leg''
of their effort to found the first Chinese opposition political party,
the sentencing announcement is another sign that Beijing's senior
leaders will brook no challenge to their monopoly on political power.

In December, the government effort to crush the nascent opposition party
resulted in show trials and long prison terms for three of the party's
most aggressive founders, and a ''reform through labor'' sentence for
another activist. At least three others remain in detention.

''The people's hearts of fear are slowly disappearing,'' said Wang
Zechen, a dissident in the northeastern Liaoning Province who identified
himself as the chairman of the opposition party's provincial branch.

''This shows that the China Democracy Party has already grown deep roots
on the Chinese mainland. There is no power at all which can wipe it
out,'' he said in an interview. He has already been imprisoned twice, in
the 1960s and 1970s, for his political activism.

Among the other 17 activists who identified themselves Thursday despite
the potential for government retribution were Wang Wenjiang, a lawyer
whom the police prevented from defending prominent dissidents in their
trials in December. Before the move to take a position as the ''first
vice chairman'' of the Liaoning branch of the opposition party, Mr. Wang
publicly renounced his Communist Party membership. Hu Shen, an activist
who was briefly detained in China's ancient capital of Xi'an in June
when President Bill Clinton visited, was also among those going public.

Dissidents say 27 party branches in provinces and cities nationwide have
been launched since June.

Wang Ce, a Chinese citizen and longtime resident of the United States
and Spain, was sentenced to a four-year jail-term in Hangzhou for
illegally sneaking back into China in October and giving Wang Youcai
$1,000

International Herald Tribune, Feb. 5, 1999


Impeached POTUS

Clinton Psalms Off Republican Over Brunch With God

by Mark Steyn

"I want you to know that I care for you and I love you," Oklahoma
Republican Steve Largent told the President, "and that's one of the
mysteries of Jesus."
I'll say. They were both at the Hilton for the annual National Prayer
Breakfast, one of those opportunities to flaunt his faith that Bill
Clinton never passes up.

The President's religion is yet another mystery: in one of the most
striking examples of his ability to "compartmentalise", he strolled out
of his church after an Easter service, waved his trusty Bible to the
crowds, and then went back to the Oval Office to observe the
resurrection with Monica in a more personal sense.

Mr Clinton is always talking about "my God", and you can't help feeling
his God is a kind of Vegas version of those Graeco-Roman types: a
celestial lounge act with cigar and martini, unwinding in the hot tub
with the angelic hostesses, the sorta God who knows that what counts is
not how much you forgive but how much you've got to be forgiven for.

At yesterday's ecumenical breakfast, Bill Clinton's God took His place
with more traditional Judaeo-Christian-Islamic models. The President was
joined by the nation's highest-rated radio scold, Dr Laura, author of a
new book on the Ten Commandments and hence reluctant to concede the
Clinton position that at least three of them don't "rise to the level"
of impeachment.

Dr Laura's catchphrase is: "I am my kid's mom" (if you want to learn
more about her, there are some nude photos on the Internet).

The event was chaired by Congressman Largent, a rising Republican star
who was chosen to give the official response to Mr Clinton's State of
the Union address and laid out a compelling GOP platform - he talked
about country singer Vince Gill's Christmas album and revealed that he'd
been raised in a single-parent household. Mr Largent's catchphrase is:
"I am my mom's kid."

Other speakers included the President ("I am my intern's mentor") and
the Vice-President ("I am my President's Vice-President"). Also present
were both the man Mr Clinton kept waiting in the outer office while he
finished up with Monica, Yasser Arafat ("I am your President's 10
o'clock appointment"), and the first Democratic Senator to criticise his
leader, Joe Lieberman ("I am my party's only supporter to date of a
bipartisan Finding of Fact resolution").

"Lord, hear his prayers," beseeched Senator Lieberman. "Help him with
the work he's doing with his family and his spiritual advisers."

Mr Clinton's certainly been doing a lot of work with his spiritual
advisers. In December, they issued a press statement about which
particular Psalm he'd be reading in private during the final House
impeachment vote.

The President's work with his family is less obvious. At the prayer
breakfast, he didn't so much as brush the sleeve of the First Lady, to
his right. On the other hand, he couldn't keep his paws off Mr Largent,
to his left. He patted his shoulder, rubbed his back, nudged his elbow,
so relentlessly tactile that you wonder why Dr Laura didn't remind him
of one of the few Commandments he hasn't yet broken ("Thou shalt not
covet thy neighbour's ass").

On Capitol Hill, received wisdom was that Republican prosecutors,
reduced to begging for just one witness, didn't have a prayer.

Asked a routine question, Representative George Gekas, previously one of
the meekest of House impeachment managers, burst into song: "I know
nothing!" he trilled, to the tune of West Side Story's I Feel Pretty. "I
know nothing! I know nothing and nothing and . . ." As the Congressman's
arm sliced the air with the bravura of Shirley Bassey, a passing staffer
muttered, "You really need to get out of here."

Poor Mr Gekas and his House colleagues. There's a place for them,
somewhere a place for them, but it isn't in the Senate.

Meanwhile, the endless search for novelty acquittals continues. Utah
Republican Orrin Hatch is touting a new bipartisan compromise proposal
called Adjournment Plus where the Senate would move a motion to adjourn
the trial indefinitely plus they'd . . . well, that bit still has to be
worked out.

Still, it does have a certain symmetry: the trial, like the President
with Monica, would stop before reaching "completion". Perhaps for that
reason, Adjournment Plus is thought to have more chance than rival
proposals like Censure Super-Size, Conviction Lite or Finding Of Fact
Early-Bird Special. All of which boil down to: "If the polls don't fit,
you must acquit."

Like some terrible cable TV subscription, no matter how many Premium
Options you select, they're all showing the same programme: you can zap
ever more furiously from the Adjournment Channel to the Censure Network
to the Finding Of Fact Superstation, but you still wind up with another
lame episode of The Comeback Kid Rides Again.

The London Telegraph, Feb. 5, 1999


Crisis in Brazil

Brazil Close to Financial Meltdown

Another IMF success story


Brazil is showing the early signs of financial meltdown. What began as
an attempt at a controlled devaluation is turning into a panic. Last
Friday, Brazilians queued outside banks to withdraw their savings amid
rumours that the government was about to freeze bank accounts. Interest
rates have been raised to 39 per cent to steady the Real, which has lost
almost 50 per cent of its value since the currency was allowed to float
on January 13.


In the past few days, Pedro Malan, finance minister, has offered to
resign, while the central bank has been given its third president in
less than a month. An International Monetary Fund mission is in Bras�lia
this week, renegotiating the terms of last year's $41.5bn emergency
support package. But Stanley Fischer, the IMF's first deputy managing
director, was returning to Washington last night without any sign that
Brazil and the Fund were close to an agreement. There is growing
scepticism that Brazil can deliver on fiscal reforms agreed with the IMF
last October.


With confidence slipping fast, even George Soros, the international
speculator, felt he had to lend a helping hand to Arm�nio Fraga,
Brazil's new central bank chief and the former managing director at
Soros Fund Management.


Mr Soros told the world economic summit at Davos in Switzerland that the
Real was "clearly undervalued". "Brazil is in a very acute situation
because on Friday you effectively had the beginning of a run on the
banks and a run on the currency," Mr Soros said. He did not think the
Brazilian government had much time to sort things out.


How did Brazil begin to unravel?


The government is finding it much harder to service its $94.7bn gross
external debt at a time when it is all but cut off from international
capital markets. Private sector companies are in much better shape, but
their external debt has more than doubled in the last two years to
$119bn at the end of 1998.


More worrying is the government's R$320bn domestic debt, owed mainly to
Brazilian banks and other financial institutions. The recent currency
depreciation has increased the stock of the debt, because about R$60bn
is linked to the value of the dollar. About half of this debt falls due
this year. Already there are doubts about whether investors will agree
to roll it over.


The increase in interest rates - from 29 per cent to 39 per cent - will
also increase the cost of debt servicing. One UK economist estimates
each percentage point increase in interestrates increases debt service
payments by R$2.5bn a year. When Brazil was negotiating its emergency
aid package with the IMF, the government's interest bill this year was
estimated at 7 per cent of gross domestic product. But following the
devaluation, and with interest rates at 39 per cent, the interest bill
is likely to be closer to 17 per cent of GDP.


Felipe Garcia, an analyst with Idea, a New York-based consultancy, says
that some government creditors could eventually conclude that the
interest rates or yield - no matter how high - would not compensate the
risk of holding government paper.


"We have already reached the stage where it has become more difficult to
place government debt. The fear is that at a further stage these
investors will start dumping paper," he said. "Even if only 10 per cent
of creditors were to sell, it could trigger a rescheduling."


So what are the government's options? Broadly, it has three: default,
followed by renegotiation of debt; to slash public spending to
compensate for higher interest payments; and to reduce the real value of
domestic debt by inflation. All are unenviable, to put it mildly.


Duff & Phelps, an international credit rating agency, believes that the
country has a one in three chance of defaulting on its domestic debt.


But default, as Russia is finding out, has consequences so devastating
that the government will try hard to avoid it. For one thing, a domestic
debt default would be a severe blow to Brazil's banking system. Holdings
of government paper account for between 20 and 30 per cent of the
banking system's assets. Even a 10 per cent fall in the value of this
paper would be enough to wipe out the entire sector's profits last year.


Worse still, at time when high interest rates and economic contraction
are increasing the number of bad loans, default could force some smaller
banks into insolvency. "There would definitely be a banking crisis,"
predicts Lacey Gallagher, director of Latin America sovereign ratings at
Standard & Poor's, the credit rating agency. "The only way to prevent
banks becoming insolvent would be to freeze their liabilities (such as
bank deposits) as well."


Default, however, is not inevitable. The government could try further
budget stringency.


There is a chance that the government could stabilise its currency, halt
the steady outflow of dollars and reduce interest rates. Indeed, last
week's panic began to ease when Fernando Henrique Cardoso, president,
made it clear he had no intention of hijacking the savings of his
compatriots. The Real has appreciated by about 10 per cent against the
dollar since Friday. For stability to be restored the government would
need to convince investors, banks and the IMF that it is making serious
progress in reducing its fiscal deficit, now equal to 9 per cent of
gross domestic product.


Making cuts of this magnitude is politically controversial. Congress has
already approved new taxes and bigger pension fund contributions from
civil servants that are expected to produce R$28bn in savings. But with
interest rates so high, the government is running to stay in the same
place. The fiscal savings have already been eroded by its increased debt
servicing costs.


That leaves option three: risking a bout of inflation to reduce the real
value of domestic debt. In Brazil it is heretical to admit that there
can be any positive impact.


Mr Fraga, the new central bank governor, says that for a country like
Brazil, a little bit of inflation is like giving a drink to a recovering
alcoholic.


Paulo Paiva, budget minister, adds: "We would far prefer to cut costs
than rely on the help of inflation to create fiscal equilibrium."


The harsh reality, however, is that inflation could help.


Brazil's history of high inflation, and the failure of the authorities
to manage inflationary expectations in the past, means that many
businesses are already beginning to prepare for a new wave of price
rises. Private sector forecasters are already expecting price rises of
at least 10 per cent and many acknowledge that the rate could be much
higher.


Inflation could ease Brazil's debt problems. Even if nominal interest
rates remain at current levels, price increases of even 10 per cent a
year would reduce real rates and the burden of both existing debt and
interest payments.


In additional, while inflation will increase government revenues, many
of its expenses are fixed in nominal terms, which should help in further
reducing the fiscal deficit and reduce financing requirements.


However, a rise in inflation would hit Brazil's wage earners and make
the government unpopular. But even modest levels of inflation would be
hugely controversial in Brazil.


Furthermore, price increases would bring back to spectre of indexation.
President Cardoso scrapped the system five years ago, but if prices were
to rise again, the government would come under enormous pressure from
the trades unions to reintroduce it.


"A moderate level of inflation would help them address the domestic debt
problem with much less political fall-out than an outright default,"
says Ms Gallagher. "But a return to indexation would be extremely
damaging. Given Brazil's history with inflation it is a delicate
balance. They are facing some really tough choices."

The Financial Times, Feb. 5, 1999
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic
screeds are not allowed. Substance�not soapboxing!  These are sordid matters
and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright
frauds is used politically  by different groups with major and minor effects
spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL
gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers;
be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and
nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
Archives Available at:
http://home.ease.lsoft.com/archives/CTRL.html

http:[EMAIL PROTECTED]/
========================================================================
To subscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SUBSCRIBE CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

To UNsubscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SIGNOFF CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Om

Reply via email to