-Caveat Lector-
Note that Spain, Gibraltar (GB/UK), and Morocco control the Straits of
Gibraltar, entry to the Mediterranean Sea. Spain and the Brits are at odds
because of Pinochet. Morocco has just endorsed the Iraqi position {from
ArabicNews: "Iraqi Foreign Minister Mohammed Said al-Sahaf hailed
Morocco's backing and solidarity with the Iraqi people who are going
through difficult circumstances in view of the UN embargo and US-British
air strikes."}
>From wsws.org
WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe
Britain and Spain exchange threats over Gibraltar
By Julie Hyland
16 February 1999
Spain and Britain have agreed to hold talks in an effort to resolve a
conflict over Gibraltar that has taken on war-like dimensions over the last
week. Gibraltar is a 6.5 square kilometre rock lying at the southern tip of
the Iberian Peninsula. It has a population of less than 30,000 and
functions almost solely as a tax haven for its residents and 53,000
registered companies. How is it that its fate should have so soured
relations between two European allies?
Britain has controlled Gibraltar since Spain was forced to cede the outcrop
in the Ulbrecht Treaty of 1713. Throughout much of the nineteenth and
twentieth century, it functioned as a strategic military base for British
forces, but it is now primarily a commercial outpost. As a "UK dependent
territory", Gibraltar is exempt from many European Union regulations. It
does not pay Value Added Tax or turnover taxes, does not belong to either
the EU Customs Union or the Common Agricultural Policy and does not
contribute to the EU Budget. Little wonder then that Gibraltans are
renowned for their fierce patriotism!
Spain has never accepted British sovereignty and the "Rock", as it is
known, has been the flash point of many confrontations between the two
countries. In the 1960s Gibraltar's de-colonisation was placed on the
agenda of a UN Special Committee, which favoured the Spanish claim. Britain
refused to budge and organised a counter-offensive. In 1963 it initiated
self-government and, in 1967, carried out a referendum on British
sovereignty, confidant that it would return a massive vote in favour. In
the same year, the Labour government of Harold Wilson drew up military
contingency plans in case of an invasion by Spain. The Franco regime
imposed a series of restrictions at Spain's land frontier and by 1969 a
complete blockade was in force.
Franco's death and Spain's desire for entry into the European Economic
Community broke the deadlock. In 1982 the siege was lifted in return for
talks on the island's future. In 1986, following Spain's entry into the
European Union, Madrid and London formally accepted the Brussels Accord
framework for negotiations. This achieved very little, as the Conservative
government of Margaret Thatcher had already made clear its response to such
claims in 1982 when it declared war on Argentina over control of the tiny
Malvinas (Falklands) islands. The Rock's government, under Socialist Labour
Party leader Bossarno, also rejected the accord.
This stand-off created many problems, including hold-ups in European Union
legislation. Flights to the island are restricted, as in December 1987
Gibraltar was excluded from European measures on civil aviation. The site
of the island's airport falls outside the area specified in the Ulbrecht
Treaty, and the Rock's government refused to jointly co-operate with Spain.
Its inhabitants are also barred from voting in elections to the European
Parliament. Although the British parliament could extend the franchise--as
demanded by Gibraltans--Spain has blocked this as part of its claim to the
territory. London and Madrid have both become increasingly concerned over
the impact of the dispute on trade. In 1995 British exports to Spain were
worth �6 billion and Spain's to Britain almost �4 billion.
Political changes over the last two years brought hopes of a breakthrough.
In Gibraltar the incoming Social Democrats ruled out a compromise on
sovereignty, but pledged a dialogue with Spain on other (economic) issues.
More significant was the election of the Labour government in Britain in
1997, which sparked a blossoming relationship between Prime Minister Blair
and his Spanish counterpart Jose Maria Aznar, from the conservative right.
In 1998 Spain's Foreign Minister Abel Matutes re-tabled proposals to the
United Nations previously rejected by the Tories, which mooted a period of
joint British/Spanish sovereignty over the Rock as part of the Brussels
framework agreement. The island's inhabitants could retain British
citizenship and Gibraltar would keep its special EU status. Arrangements
could also be made concerning British military forces, in return for
Britain conceding that the Rock was Spanish territory. The Spanish system
of autonomous regions would constitutionally defend the islander's rights.
Matutes described the Rock as an "obstacle which is interfering with the
good relations between two countries that are partners and allies and which
also have great potential for developing their ties." The Blair government,
whilst stipulating that there could be no change without the consent of
islanders, held informal talks with its authorities on the future
relationship to the UK. Labour made clear that it had not ruled out going
the "extra mile" to satisfy some of Spain's demands and did not block
Spain's application for membership of NATO--something about which the
Conservative opposition has since bitterly complained.
This met a hostile response from the Rock's government, fearing it would
mean the loss of their privileged status. They countered with a farcical
plan for "self-determination", under which the Rock would cease to be a
British colony but would retain the British Governor as the crown's
representative--a measure aimed at thwarting the Spanish claim.
The Gibraltar Chronicle noted that the head of the Social Democrats, Peter
Caruana, had to "talk tough" with Spain and Britain at the Labour Party
conference last year. Britain, it declared in bellicose tones, "is making
it clear it has no appetite for a fight in the Bay." Other articles warned
that efforts by Britain and Spain to "get on" were a "danger for
Gibraltar".
The island's government subsequently set out to create a confrontation with
the Spanish authorities. At the beginning of 1998, it decided to heavily
enforce an "ecological law" passed in 1991 that outlawed all methods of
fishing in the Bay except by hook and line. Between January and April that
year, 115 Spanish fishing boats were ordered out of the Bay, in comparison
to just 16 the previous year. This caused several clashes between Rock
police and Spanish fishermen in which gunfire was exchanged. Spain rejected
Gibraltar's jurisdiction over the waters, whilst Caruana raged that the
issue at stake wasn't "fishing", but "British waters".
Publicly the Blair government bowed to this chauvinism, promising to send
in naval reinforcements to defend the waters.
Foreign Minister Robin Cook held meetings with Matutes in October last
year, which the latter described as "fruitful and constructive". The two
had been able to address concrete terms for Gibraltar's future, including
sovereignty issues, without prejudice, Matutes said. But Spain's historical
claim to the island "cannot cease to be a permanent priority in our foreign
policy".
At the end of January this year, the Spanish fishing boat Piranha was
impounded by the Rock's police, accused of breaching the "new rules"
regulating access to its territorial waters. Gibraltar claimed these had
been agreed in principle between Cook and Matutes, and limited the number
of ships allowed in the waters around the Rock at any one time. This
supposed verbal agreement had not been communicated elsewhere, however.
Following the Piranha's impounding angry Spanish fishermen blockaded the
border. Their nets and catch were confiscated and the crews forced to stand
trial for fishing in British territorial waters. Talks were held between
Caruana and local fishermen, which were endorsed by Britain as a "sensible
conclusion". But last week Matutes angrily denounced the deal struck, which
effectively gave Gibraltar sovereignty over the waters. This had been ruled
out in his discussion with Cook, he said, where they had agreed fishermen's
access to "traditional waters". He complained that Spain had "been the
victim of broken promises by a friend and ally". Meanwhile Sir Richard
Luce, Gibraltar's governor, threatened to resign if the Blair government
did not take a stand.
Madrid complained that Anglo-Spanish talks on the territory's future had
reached a "watershed". Ramon de Miguel, junior foreign minister, said Spain
had maintained an "open and flexible" policy towards Gibraltar since 1996,
but could "no longer tolerate that [the territory's] prosperity is being
made parasitically". He called for an immediate end to "illicit and
irregular activities". The Spanish authorities began tightening border
controls and threatened to prevent any flights to the territory from
crossing Spanish air space. Matutes said, "As parasites go, Gibraltar is
too big a parasite. It lives on 53,000 companies set up to avoid Spanish
taxes and to launder drugs money."
The response to this in Britain was a wave of rabid jingoism. In parliament
the Tory shadow Foreign Minister Michael Howard denounced Labour's policy
as a mixture of "equivocation, retreat and surrender", whilst another Tory
MP complained that Britain was playing cricket with a "nation of
bullfighters". But it was Labour MPs who openly demanded blood. Andrew
Mackinlay said the government had been "far too soft for years" with Spain,
whilst Lindsay Hoyle called for the Royal Navy to be immediately
despatched. "Let's take the kid gloves off", Hoyle demanded.
Commenting on Blair's silence in the face of all this, the Spanish daily El
Pais asked if he couldn't find "a Third Way solution, between the
do-nothing policy and confrontation". But Labour's way is that of
traditional British imperialist policy. Fresh from its escapades in Iraq
and poised to enter Kosovo, moreover, the party is once again demonstrating
extreme recklessness.
The euro's launch heralds major economic and social conflicts
[21 January 1999]
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