>From Christian Science Monitor

MONDAY, MARCH 15, 1999


OPINION

An overlooked atrocity: slavery in Sudan

Bronwyn Lance

Garang Ayei's wife and children are gone. Just outside a tiny village in
southern Sudan, Mr. Ayei's wife and children were captured by raiders,
taken northward, and forced into a life of slave labor.

"The Arabs took my family two years ago," he told me late last year.

"My wife was raped and beaten. She spent one year as a slave in her
captor's house. Her job was to carry the heavy buckets of water from the
well. Her master fed her scraps and beat her regularly and finally broke
her ribs. One day, she escaped while getting water."

Ayei's wife finally made it back to her village, but died soon after. He
has no word of his children, but assumes they have suffered a similar fate.

This is a common story in southern Sudan. The civil war that has wracked
Sudan for 16 years has received surprisingly scant attention, despite being
the longest-running conflict on a continent that has more than its share of
war, ethnic violence, persecution, and genocide. This largest of African
nations has endured civil war for 32 of its 42 years of independence, first
pitting the Muslim Arabs in the north against the black Christians and
animists in the south from 1955 to 1972. The United States Committee for
Refugees reports that in the southern and central parts of the country,
civil war has caused the death of almost 2 million Sudanese - more than all
the casualties in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Rwanda combined.

The state of Bahr el Ghazal in southern Sudan has been the site of
devastating famine and starvation. It is also continually the focal point
for slave raids. Rather than fight pitched battles with the rebels, the
Khartoum government prefers to attack villages, abducting and killing
unarmed civilians, mostly women and children. These abductions should not
be confused with taking prisoners of war.

Slavery, while not an official Sudanese government policy, has become an
instrument in Sudan's own ethnic cleansing.

In the south, a local chief told me that 3,000 children out of his 150,000
constituents had been abducted in 1998. If correct, that would be 2 percent
of that population. Most of these kidnapping victims are tamed through
rape, brutality, and Islamization - all the while serving as forced labor.

While many in the West ignore these vast abuses of human rights or
attribute them to tradition or religious differences, other dynamics are at
work. Certainly much persecution occurs because the southern inhabitants
are Christians. But, attributing the entire Sudanese conflagration solely
to religion is shortsighted. The civil war is composed of complex elements
of religious, racial, and tribal differences mixed with political
factionalism. The consensus among villagers I met was that slave raids
occurring there are happening as part of the conflict, not solely as
religious persecution.

Much media attention is showered on organizations that buy the freedom of
slaves in Sudan. However, there have been concerns that the practice of
buying back slaves is actually fueling the raiding because the human booty
brings raiders double profit: free labor and monetary revenue.

Prices vary to buy a slave's freedom. Christian Solidarity International
will do so for $50. In 1997, two newspaper reporters purchased the freedom
of a slave for $500, the same price quoted to me in November. Christian
Solidarity International has commendably freed 5,066 slaves in the past
four years. But even at the lower rate of $50 each, that's more than
$250,000 paid to the very people perpetuating these abuses. More slaves are
likely to be taken because the raiders know that they can profit from
charitable-minded Westerners - a chilling example of the free market at
work.

There are no immediate or easy answers for ending the slave trade in Sudan.

Apologists for slavery say it is a traditional, centuries-old practice.
Because a practice is traditional, however, does not mean it is legitimate.
The government of Sudan has long denied that it allows the slave trade to
continue, or even that it exists at all. Nonetheless, if the Khartoum
government expects to gain credibility in the international community,
attempts must be made to prosecute or halt this practice. Also,
reconciliation talks between leaders of warring tribes could prove helpful
in ending the more established elements of slave raids.

The ultimate end of this shocking practice is likely to come with
independence for southern Sudan. Until such a time, however, the United
States and the international community should reexamine their tepid
response to this issue.

Last year's congressional attempt to sanction Sudan for religious
persecution was so riddled with exceptions as to be meaningless. Congress
and the Clinton administration should jointly craft and implement a binding
measure that will monitor, embargo, and shame Sudan into curtailing this
lurid practice.

� Bronwyn Lance is a senior fellow at the Alexis de Tocqueville
Institution, a public policy research organization, in Arlington, Va. She
was recently in Sudan working on a report to be published this month.



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