-Caveat Lector-

from:
http://www.zolatimes.com/V3.12/pageone.html
<A HREF="http://www.zolatimes.com/V3.12/pageone.html">Laissez Faire City Times
- Volume 3 Issue 12</A>
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The Laissez Faire City Times
March 22, 1999 - Volume 3, Issue 12
Editor & Chief: Emile Zola
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The Return of Mercantilism

by Michael R. Allen


Politics is often repetitive, especially when the politicians have few
ideas of their own. Analogies between Bill Clinton and nearly every
president since Lincoln are regularly heard from the panels of unctuous
historians that parade from MSNBC to the PBS News Hour and back. The war
in Bosnia can be compared to the Vietnam debacle. And so on.

Much of this political continuity has been to the detriment of
individual freedom, as constitutional government was unfortunately one
trend that did not last. Rather, in the United States there has been a
constant growth in the power of government despite attempts to resist
that growth. Protectionists have recently embraced another old and
recurring political idea that is neither economically sound nor prudent:
mercantilism.

Patrick Buchanan, announced candidate for the 2000 Republican nomination
for president, has usually denounced the various managed trade schemes
that are indeed dishonest and destructive. He was the prominent leader
of opposition to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and
has rigorously complained about the other international institutions
which perpetuate the loss of American manufacturing jobs.

On some points, he is correct. NAFTA, GATT, and other trade policies
have intruded onto our country's laws by forcing upon us labor,
environmental, and patent regulations that are useless. These agreements
are not healthy when they are coupled with embargoes, such as those of
the US against Cuba, Iraq, Libya, and other nations where American goods
would otherwise be sold. Buchanan's argument is flawed, though, when he
proposes his alternative.

He has supported ending the Iraq embargo, so Buchanan cannot be regarded
as entirely wrong in his trade policy. But a statement on his web site
raises suspicion. He aims to "...reclaim our sovereignty over national
economic policy, rebuild our manufacturing base, create, not export,
good industrial jobs..."

The Buchanan trade agenda is not one of a free market, or even free
trade with a uniform tariff. The underlying focus of Buchanan's economic
plan is a nationally-directed effort to aid the "manufacturing base"
which is becoming obsolete through global competition. Rather than
allowing for market adjustments as to where and how goods are made, Pat
Buchanan seeks to retain an industrial situation that is static. In
this, he echoes the old mercantilist policies of the seventeenth,
eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries.

The protectionist scorn for open trade resembles the situation in
England that led to the Navigation Acts, which taxed competitors to aid
English manufacturers experiencing tough competition from Dutch and new
American industries that could sell the British better goods at a lower
price. This disrupted the division of labor worldwide, crippling
competitors, but also helping certain factory interests and their
political assistants. Though he is not explicitly in favor of aid to
industrial interests (as a matter of fact, he has criticized them for
layoffs), Buchanan promotes an economy in which industry would be
protected from threats, and where consumers would pay higher prices as a
result (another form of aid to industry).

More outspoken about his intentions is US Rep. Bob Barr (R-GA), the
model of a politician who borrows liberally the ideas of others. In a
March 5th column, he mocked free trade as "nice-sounding" and
"high-minded" while attempting to explain how it could never work. It is
not too surprising to hear this ersatz federalist promote an agenda rife
with inconsistencies and contradictions; after all, he supports the
federal drug war and obscene military budgets while decrying world
socialism and big government. The contradiction apparently escapes him.
Still, Barr's rejection of free trade does need an explanation, which he
provides.

In the same column, the Georgia Republican mentions a conversation he
had with textile magnate Roger Milliken about the loss of jobs to
overseas competitors. By the word, there it is! Barr wants to protect
his friends and supporters from having to actually compete in a free
marketplace.

As the column notes, 109,000 jobs were lost since NAFTA was enacted.
Omitted, though, is any mention of jobs gained lately, and what sort of
jobs disappeared. In a competitive market where the world is open,
competition is not going to be local in most instances. Asian
manufacturers may well produce better textiles for less than Milliken
can charge. To compensate, Milliken will have to alter his operations
strategy or fail by being inflexible.

Of course, Milliken could more easily persuade one of his friends in
Congress or the Commerce Department to work on raising the tariffs
against competitors. Many people support this sort of move if mention is
made of the common factory worker losing his job to a worker of a
different racial background. Buchanan capitalizes on this, as do his
fellow protectionists right and left.

Yet mercantilism did not help the working classes achieve any sort of
advantage over the wealthy. As a matter of fact, the policies instituted
in England under Elizabeth I were specifically designed to reward a
small group of the rich:

"The statute [a forced labor law of 1563] also acted to restrict the
growth of the woolen textile industry; this benefited two groups: the
landlords, who would no longer lose laborers to industry. . . . and the
textile industry itself, which received the privilege of keeping out the
competition of new firms and new craftsmen."[1]

Protecting Milliken and company from competition might seem beneficial
to American workers but really is to their detriment as their industry
eventually collapses through stagnation. And the costs of protectionism
to consumers hurt every American worker.

To left-wing protectionists the hypocrisy is not as big as that which
burdens the right-wing opponents of an open global market. Barr fancies
himself a constitutionalist and Buchanan has opposed many functions of
the government and its foreign policy. How do these views reconcile with
their resurrection of old mercantilist ideas?

To enforce protectionism, a strong central government is needed to
intervene in economic affairs, the one area where these two men claim to
be the most libertarian. With economic restrictions come economic
failures, and before long there will be a demand from some people for
more intervention to cure the ill effects of the first intervention. The
old-time mercantilists understood this pattern and embraced it:

"Mercantilism was not only a policy of intricate government regulations;
it was also a pre-Keynesian policy of inflation, of lowering interest
rates artificially, and of increasing "effective demand" by heavy
government spending and sponsorship of measures to increase the quantity
of money. Like the Keynesians, the mercantilists thundered against
'hoarding'. . . ." [2]

Inflation, heavy government spending, and disdain for savings seem to be
what conservative politicians abhor�though by embracing new mercantilist
laws they are inviting all of these problems. Their economic plans are
dangerous and must be avoided; mercantilism ought not be repeated any
more so than it has been.

Murray Rothbard warned of a "contemporary drive for a new mercantilism"
[3] as early as 1964, and Buchanan, Ralph Nader, Ross Perot, and other
exemplars emerged as political figures as the 1980s drew to an end. So
far, the temptation for such a policy has been resisted as managed trade
is implemented. NAFTA-style trade should be ended. Protectionism should
not be tried again.

Notes

1.) Murray N. Rothbard, "Mercantilism: A Lesson For Our Times," in
Essays on Liberty, Vol. XI (New York: Foundation for Economic Education,
1964) p. 194

2.) Ibid. p. 186

3.) Ibid. p. 200



------------------------------------------------------------------------

Michael R. Allen is the editor and publisher of SpinTech Magazine. His
regular column is "Strange Disposed Times."

-30-

from The Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 3, No 12, March 22, 1999
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