[CTRL] Extract from 'H. R. H. Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands; an authorized biography'

[Kris Millegan]

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-----
Extract from 'H. R. H. Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands; an authorized
biography'
by Alden Hatch

The H�tel de Bilderberg




At a small hotel near Arnhem in the deeply wooded uplands of eastern
Holland on May 29, 30, and 31, 1954, a group of eminent statesmen,
financiers, and intellectuals from the principal nations of Europe and
the United States met together in, perhaps, the most unusual
international conference ever held until then.

There was absolutely no publicity. The hotel was ringed by security
guards, so that not a single journalist got within a mile of the place.
The participants were pledged not to repeat publicly what was said in
the discussions. Every person present-Prime Ministers, Foreign
Ministers, leaders of political parties, heads of great banks and
industrial companies, and representatives of such international
organizations as the European Coal and steel Community, as well as
academicians-was magically stripped of his office as he entered the
door, and became a simple citizen of his country for the duration of the
conference. Thus everybody could and did say what he really thought
without fear of international, political, or financial repercussions.

That meeting and the subsequent ones that stemmed from it, which have
had a great if indefinite impact on the history of our times, are,
perhaps, int this writer's opinion, Prince Bernhard's proudest
achievement in the field of Western unity and international amity.

It was not Bernhard's original idea, but had its inception in the
brilliant brain of Dr Joseph H. Retinger. Retinger was an extraordinary
character who flitted through Europe talking on intimate terms with
Prime Ministers, labour leaders, industrial magnates, revolutionaries,
and intellectuals-in short, all the non-Communist rulers and would-be
rulers of the free nations of Europe.

Krak�w, in Austrian Poland, was Retinger's birthplace; his parents were
landed gentry. When he went to the Sorbonne in Paris in 1906, at the age
of eighteen, this boy talked his way into the heart of that city's
literary and artistic life, and was called friend by such as Andr� Gide,
Giraudoux, Fran�ois Mauriac, Maurice Ravel, and the raffish Marquis Boni
de Castellane. When he moved on to England, Herbert Asquith, his wife,
outspoken Margot, and Lord Balfour took him into their circle, and his
most intimate friend was his fellow-Pole, Joseph Conrad.

Retinger had what C. D. Jackson calls "a built-in instinct for intrigue"
and a passionate love for Poland. During World War I his machinations
for a free Poland made him uniquely unpopular. The Central Powers put a
price on his head, the Allies banned him from all their countries, and
the United States threw him into jail. These experiences taught him to
be a better diplomat.

In World War II Retinger was closely associated with General Sikorsky,
head of the Polish Government in Exile, as liaison man with the other
exiled Governments. In 1944 General Sir Colin Gubbins of The S.O.E. (the
super-secret Special Operations Executive) arranged for him to be
parachuted into Poland with several million dollars for the Polish
Resistance. At the age of fifty-six Retinger jumped at night into a
field in enemy territory, and accomplished his mission. However, his
legs became paralysed, probably as a result of the jump, and he had to
be spirited out of Poland on a stretcher.

>From that time until his death in 1960 Dr Retinger devoted his life to
his one impassioned, idealistic purpose of uniting and strengthening the
Western world against the danger from the East.

Jackson says, "He was a sort of Eminence grise of Europe, a Talleyrand
without portfolio." Certainly he had almost as many adventures as Ian
Fleming's famous secret-service operative James Bond.

Retinger was a frail, delicate little man with a deeply seamed face and
quizzical eyes behind blue-tinted spectacles. His big jaw was never
still, for he talked volcanically. AFter the parachute jump he always
walked with a cane. C.D. jackson, who often clashed with him, said
Retinger was "a very difficult, very opinionated man who would not take
no for an answer and often achieved his purpose by very devious means.
But nevertheless he was fearless and determined, a tremendously gallant
guy."

Though people persist in calling Retinger an eighteenth-century man
functioning in the twentieth century, he was not that at all. He cam,e
straight out of the Renaissance. Instead of the sceptical, pr�cieuse
attitude typical of the eighteenth century, his Jesuitical conviction
that the end justified the means, and a Borgian aptitude for intrigue;
but the ends he sought were never selfish. They were good.

Though his name is virtually unknown except to the initiates, he made
more history in his secret way than many a man who moved to the sound of
trumpets and the howl of motor-cycle sirens. According to the official
publication of the European Centre of Culture, "Retinger was the key
figure in most of the great European union. The League of European
Economic Cooperation (from which evolved the Common Market), the
European Movement, and . the European Centre of Culture would not have
seen the light without him. The Congress of Europe at The Hague was his
doing, and the Council of Europe grew out of that."

Being above all a realist, Retinger understood that even a united Europe
could not stand by itself without America. In 1952 he became deeply
concerned about the rising tide of antAmericanism in practically every
country of Western Europe. It was not confined to
Communist-in?influenced or left-wing circles, but was equally prevalent
among conservatives and liberals. The United States was disliked,
feared, and sneered at with a unanimity that was remarkable among the
peoples of Europe. This feeling threatened the solidarity of the Western
world's defences against Communism.

Retinger was not the type of man to sit wringing his hands. He evolved a
brilliant plan for coping with this situation, but he needed powerful
assistance to put it into effect. So he asked his friend Dr Paul Rijkens
to get him an appointment with Prince Bernhard, who has described their
meeting:

"It all stated when Retinger came to me and sat here in this room and
told me about his worries concerning the rising tide of anti-Americanism
in Europe. I was worried about it, too. It seemed illogical in the face
of the Marshall Plan, military assistance, NATO, etc., which had done so
much for all of us. I suppose it was partly the natural human instinct
to bite the hand that feeds you, and partly real grievances. I said to
him, 'Yes, you're quite right. It's very bad.' Retinger said, 'Well,
would you like to do something about it?' And I said, 'Of course.'"

Sitting on the edge of an easy chair in Bernhard's trophy-filled study,
with his cane between his spindly legs, his inevitable cigarette burning
furiously, and his eyes shooting sparks behind his blue-tinted
spectacles, Retinger outlined his plan for bringing about better
understanding between the touchy, suspicious Europeans and Americans. It
consisted of two parts. The first was to get the leaders of opinion in
the most important European countries to make an appraisal of where the
Americans were wrong, apart from being rich,m powerful, generous, and
rather stupid, and what they could do to put things right.

The second was to present this frank critique to leaders of American
opinion and give them an opportunity to answer the indictment at a
completely private meeting of top-level people from both continents.

Bernhard was all for it, but an unusual instinct for caution made him
say, "It sounds wonderful, but I'd like another opinion. Let's find out
what van Zeeland thinks about it." (Van Zeeland was Prime Minister of
Belgium.)

Van Zeeland thought something should be done, and quickly. Reinforced by
his approval, Bernhard went to work with Retinger reckoned, could supply
the answers. The idea was to get two people from each country who would
give the conservative and liberal slant. Then Bernhard, using his
personal prestige and royal leverage, induced, with the help of
Retinger, who knew practically all of them, most of those selected to
co-operate.

It was quite a list. Van Zeeland wrote a paper for Belgium, Hugh
Gaitskell and Lord Portal spoke for Great Britain, Prime Minister Alcide
de Gasperi for Italy, Foreign Minister Ole Bj�rn Kraft of Denmark for
Scandinavia; Guy Mollet (former Socialist Prime Minister) and
Conservative Prime Minister Pinay for France, and Max Brauer, Otto Wolff
von Amerongen, and Dr M�ller for West Germany. Prince Bernhard himself
handled the complaints of Holland, with the help of leading Dutch
politicians and industrialists.

When all the reports came in Bernhard and Retinger found that many
people of different countries and different parties gave the same
reasons for disliking Americans, although there were, of course, some
people with special grouses of their own. Bernhard, Retinger, and
Rijkens synthesized the answers into a single report covering the main
criticisms. Then Bernhard sent it confidentially to some of his American
friends with the proposal that they organize an answer.

The election of 1952 was in full swing in the United States, and
political brickbats were flying. Nobody had any time for Prince
Bernhard. Averell Harriman said, "I won't touch it. It's dynamite."
Eisenhower said, "Great! I'd like to use it in the campaign," to which
Bernhard replied, "Good God, NO!"

The matter had to go over until after the election. Then Bernhard went
to the United States-and, incidentally, got the bad news from Walter
Reed. He saw a number of American politicians, and after several more
rebuffs he went to his friend Bedell Smith, who was then head of the
C.I.A. Smith said, "Why the hell didn't you come to me in the first
place?"

Even then things moved slowly. Smith became Under-Secretary of State for
newly elected President Eisenhower, and was engulfed in the business of
putting a new administration together. He finally turned the matter over
to C. D. Jackson, a special assistant to the President, and things
really got going.

Jackson got in touch with John S. Coleman, President of the Burroughs
Corporation of Detroit, who was a member of the newly formed Committee
for a National Trade Policy under the presidency of Senator Robert
Taft's brother, Charles Taft. This committee undertook to draft an
American reply, and a number of private citizens. Other famous Americans
were invited. Most of the administration officials ducked nervously, so
the American delegation was rather weighted towards industry, but it
included such eminent Americans as Joseph E. Johnson, of the Carnegie
Endowment of International Peace, Dean Rusk, then head of the
Rockefeller Foundation, as well as David Rockefeller and H.J. Heinz II.

All this took time, which is why the first meeting did not take place
until May 1954. By then, is spite of Eisenhower's personal popularity,
the United States was at an all-time nadir of popularity in Europe. As
the Europeans saw it, a soldier was in the White House, even though he
was the least militant of military men. The Government was in the hands
of the conservative Republican Party for the first time in twenty years.
And, worst of all, Senator McCarthy was roaring through the land
witch-hunting for Reds. His arrogant stooges had just completed their
book-burning tour of American embassies in Europe, and the whole
American career image of America, erstwhile land of democracy and
freedom, was covered with mud.

Under these circumstances it looked as though there would be a heated
session at the H�tel de Bilderberg. Prince Bernhard, who was chairman,
said, "The meeting was most encouraging because people accepted the idea
that there would be no publicity, and everybody could speak for himself,
irrespective of his position, quite frankly-and fight!"

At the memory Prince Bernhard's eyes lit up, and he said, "It was a
beautiful meeting because sparks were flying like crazy between
Americans like C. D. Jackson and Britishers like Sir Oliver Franks and
Denis Healey and Hugh Gaitskell."

Jackson himself described the meeting as follows:

"It was all very new and different. We were tucked away in a forest way
back in Holland. There were no reporters. Tight security with guards all
over the hotel. IN the opening hours every one was uneasy, nervous,
sniffing each other like strange dogs. They were afraid to talk very
much.

"Prince Bernhard was everywhere using his charming wiles. People began
to thaw. Then they began to fight, which was good. The Prince kept
things in hand. When feeling got too tense he was able to relax people
with just the right witty crack, or assert his authority. Though he is
so charming, he is made of pretty stern stuff. When he was to restore
order he does so in such a way that no one can take offence. But there
is no fooling. Order is restored."

Naturally the Europeans were continually needling the Americans about
McCarthy. Many of them seemed genuinely fearful that the United States
was heading for a Fascist dictatorship. Therefore, on the third day,
Prince Bernhard announced, "Even though it is not on the agenda, there
has been so much talk of McCarthyism that, if there is time, I am going
to ask Mr Jackson to tell us the American view on that."

There was time, and Jackson stood up to address the meeting. He is a big
man, well over six feet tall, fourteen stone of muscular weight with a
big domed head and a bold, jutting profile; impressive by his stature
and his slow, judicial way of speech. Almost in the manner of a
university professor, Jackson told his audience a few facts of political
life in the United States. He pointed out that in the American system of
government and politics, "We are certain to get this kind of
supercharged, emotional freak from time to time." Then he reached back
into history for the same sort of demagogue, telling them of the
spectacular but short-lived careers of Father Coughlin and Huey Long.

He said that he knew it was hard of Europeans to understand how a
Senator of the President's own party could say things on the floor of
the Senate completely at variance with the Governments's policy. But, he
pointed out, there was no way to stop a United States Senator when he
went on a rampage. Party discipline was non-existent in that case.
Therefore, Jackson said, the Europeans were right to be interested in
this peculiar phenomenon of Senator McCarthy, but wrong to be fearful
that he was the first step towards Fascism.

Finally Jackson made a rash prediction: "Whether McCarthy dies by an
assassin's bullet or is eliminated in the normal American way of getting
rid of boils on the body politic, I prophesy that by the time we hold
our next meeting he will be gone from the American scene."

The fact that within a comparatively short time McCarthy was rebuked by
the Senate and lost virtually all his prestige and power made the
Europeans feel that they had heard the truth about America. George
McGhee of the United States Department of State says, "The really bad
misunderstandings between Europeans and Americans were dissipated at the
first Bilderberg. Since then there has never been such a sharp division
between us and Europe."

The first Bilderberg Conference was such a success in promoting real
understanding across the Atlantic that its sponsors decided to continue
the meetings. A permanent Steering Committee was set up to plan the
agenda for future meetings and decide whom to invite according to the
subjects to be discussed. Dr Retinger became permanent secretary, until
he died and was succeeded by Ernst van der Beugel, who, incidentally,
said to the writer, "I am allergic to international groups. I attended
my first Bilderberg meeting with great reserve, but I was impressed by
it and remained impressed."

Joseph E. Johnson became the first Secretary on the American side.
Otherwise the organization was kept as loose as possible to allow
maximum flexibility. To insure this the Steering Committee tries to have
a turnover of at least twenty percent. of new faces at each meeting.
This was made clear at the outset, so that people who are not asked back
every time would not consider it an affront.

Combined with this is the unwritten rule that anybody who has ever been
to a Bilderberg Conference should be able to feel that he can, in a
private capacity, call on any former member he has met. To this end a
list of names and addresses is maintained to which all participants have
access. This makes possible an expanding continuation of association for
people who might not otherwise have met.

Three days at a Bilderberg Conference are not only a stimulating but
also an extremely exhausting experience, especially for Bernhard and the
other members of the Steering Committee. H. J. Heinz II described a
typical day: "We sit from nine o'clock in the table. Right after lunch
we go at it again until seven o'clock. Fifteen minutes to wash up, and
then an executive session of the Steering Committee. That lasts an hour,
and then we have dinner. After that we talk some more, informally. It's
a fifteen-hour day, at least!"

Another member of the group said, "We meet in such beautiful places, but
we never have time to look at the scenery."

Since 1954, meetings of the Bilderberg group have been held once a year,
sometimes twice. The Steering Committee meets more frequently. The
regular sessions are attended by from fifty to eighty people. Each
meeting is held in a different country, but follows the same pattern. An
entire hotel is taken over and closely guarded. The members all live
together, eat and drink together, for three days. Wives are not invited.
Dr Rijkens says, "More important things are done and better
understandings are often arrived at in private conversations at lunch or
dinner than in the regular sessions. Through the years we have achieved
a sort of brotherhood of friendship and trust."

The expenses or each meeting are borne by private subscription in the
host country, and Prince Bernhard always presides-though not by his own
choice. At the very first meeting he tried rotating the chairmanship,
putting van Zeeland in the second day and Mr Coleman the third. It did
not work. The other Europeans thought that van Zeeland was too political
and the American Democrats felt that Coleman was too old-guard
Republican. They all begged him to become permanent chairman. Because he
was royal and therefore apolitical, and, furthermore, came from a small
nation with no large axes to grind, he was, in fact, the logical choice.
In addition every one agreed that he handled the meetings extremely
well. Mr Heinz says, "If Prince Bernhard had not existed Retinger would
have had to invent him."

There was also the fact that his royalty gave him considerable leverage
in inducing these very eminent men to give up their pressing affairs to
attend the meetings. This rather worried Bernhard, who once said to van
der Beugel, "Is it just snob-appeal that brings them?"

Van der Beugel answered forthrightly, "If you can transfer snobbism into
something fine and useful that's good. The authority with which you can
ask people to attend meetings is important. On the other hand, you don't
get eighty outstanding people to drop everything and go off to a foreign
country just for snobbism. The way you manage the thing and the
importance of the enterprise are what draws them."

Meanwhile Retinger brought in many men of the non-Communist but radical
left who might not have responded to an invitation from Prince Bernhard.
However, even these would probably not have consented to attend a
conference with the men of the conservative right had they not been
reassured by having in the chair a completely non-political figure. As
Dr Rijkens said "No one but Bernhard could have induced such old
antagonists as Guy Mollet and Antoine Pinay to sit at the same table."

Prince Bernhard in his methodical way prepares very carefully for each
meeting by an intensive study of all the subjects on the agenda. Then he
takes copious notes at the meetings, and at the end of each session
tries to sum up what has been said and perhaps add a few impartial words
of his own to clear the air. In spite of his preliminary work, Prince
Bernhard confesses, "I always go to the meetings with a feeling of great
nervousness. There are so many explosive possibilities. But it is always
tremendously stimulating and enormously interesting-in fact, great fun.

"One thing that worries me beforehand is suppose some key person does
not show up and the discussions are a flop? We have had very little
trouble with that."

One meeting Bernhard was particularly nervous about was the one at St
Simons Island, Georgia. United States Senator J. William Fulbright,
Senator Wiley and several American congressmen were coming for the first
time. The rule of the meetings is that each man is allowed five minutes
to talk, and at the end of this time the Prince is allowed five minutes
to talk, and at the end of this time the Prince begins to make signals.
But he generally gives them a minute more before taking action. "Once or
twice I've had to be unpleasant to somebody, but that is very difficult
for me," he says. "It is also difficult to keep a big boy from talking
too long. I swing my wristwatch in front of his face and say, 'Ah, ah,
more than five minutes!' And if somebody makes a really short speech I
say, 'Now that is wonderful. The shorter the speech the more it sticks
in our minds.' But that does not always help, you know. Some people are
very difficult."

At St Simons some of Bernhard's American friends said, "What are you
going to do with the American politicians? You just can't shut up a
United States congressman or senator. They aren't used to it."

Bernhard didn't quite know himself. But before the meeting he went to
the American politicians and in his most ingratiating way said, "Now,
look, gentlemen, my American friends are afraid to tell you this, but we
have had this rule about five-minute speeches at all our meetings. So
would you be very king and do me a favour, a personal favour, and stick
to the rule, because I will be finished for the future if I let you get
away with a long speech."

"They said they would be delighted; no problem at all. 'It is perfectly
O.K. with us.' And they never broke the rule at all. The only person I
had trouble with was a European."

The only meeting, other than the first, at which Bernhard did not
preside all the way through was the one in Switzerland in 1960. He
arrived from one of his "selling trips" looking utterly exhausted and
with a bad cold. After presiding at the opening session he developed
virus pneumonia. He chose E. N. van Kleffens to take the chair. Prince
Bernhard says, "This satisfied everybody, because van Kleffens had once
served as President of the Assembly of the U.N."

While the meeting went on Bernhard got sicker and sicker. Meanwhile,
back at the Palace, Juliana was becoming very anxious. Professor Nuboer
says, "I was in the Palace that Saturday evening when the Queen called
Prince Bernhard. He was in a very bad mood, and said there was really
nothing wrong with him. However, the next morning the Queen telephoned
me and said that she had talked to her husband again and that his
temperature had gone up. I said, 'I'll go immediately and ask my
colleague Professor Jordan, our specialist on internal medicine, to go
with me.'"

Professor Nuboer had made their reservations on K.L.M. and borrowed some
money-it was Sunday and the banks were shut-when the Queen called back.
"I'm going with you," she said. "I'm too worried to stay here. We'll go
in a military plane."

Professor Nuboer says, "We found the Prince in the Conference Hotel near
Lucerne. The Queen, Jordan, and I kidnapped him, literally kidnapped
him. We brought him back in his own plane. A car met us at the airport,
and we took him straight to the hospital at Utrecht. He was there for
several weeks."

The Bilderberg meetings are never dull. Even though the group has
become, as McGhee says, "like belonging to a fraternity," sparks have
flown at nearly every one. At St Simons in 1957 the French, British, and
Americans almost came to blows over Suez. At another it was Quemoy and
Matsu. The Europeans could understand the American attitude about
Formosa, but defending the off-shore islands seemed to them military
madness for the sake of tweaking the dragon's tail. "At least we made
them understand the necessity of taking more interest in the Far East,"
says McGhee.

Other hot issues have been the Common Market and British and American
attitudes towards it. And Cuba! There is always something to make the
sparks fly; and, like lightning, these electrical discharges clear the
atmosphere.

Any attempt to evaluate the effect of the Bilderberg group is made
nearly impossible by the very nature and object of the conferences,
which is not to act or even to convince, but rather to enlighten. As
Prince Bernhard says, "You are not asked to agree, merely to listen."

At one point the inevitable lack of concrete results you could put your
finger on made Prince Bernhard wonder if its was worth while continuing.
He sent out a query to that effect to the members. A storm of protest,
especially from the Americans, convinced him that he should go on.

Perhaps the only way of arriving at some assessment of the work is to
question those participants who play an active role in international
affairs. When asked for an example of a Bilderberg accomplishment George
McGhee said, "I believe you could say the Treaty of Rome, which brought
the Common Market into being, was nurtured at these meetings and aided
by the main stream of our discussions there. Prince Bernhard is a great
catalyst."

The formation of an international corporation to finance industrial
development in the Near East is another concrete result.

However, the intangible results are admittedly the greatest-the bringing
together in friendship, even intimacy, of the leaders from many nations
and the effect of their confidential reports on the governments of their
countries. An example is the case of the United States during President
Eisenhower's administration. When asked if he thought Eisenhower had
been influenced by the Bilderberg discussions Prince Bernhard said, "I
don't know. Of course, I talked to Ike about it when I needed his help
to give American officials the green light to come to the conferences.
Although C. D. Jackson and Bedell Smith were in favour of it, there were
a lot of people in the State Department who thought one should not go.
They would not allow their people to come at first. Then after the first
meeting they lifted the ban. Anybody could come. The same thing happened
with de Gaulle.

"As to whether Ike paid any attention to the reports of our discussions,
I could not say."

However, General Eisenhower said to this writer: "I always had one of my
people go to the Bilderberg Conferences [Dr Gabriel Hauge]. I'm in
favour of anything-any study of that kind which helps international
understanding. The Bilderberg meetings enlightened me; I'd get
viewpoints from other than official channels. Not that I always agreed
with them; there were so many points of view that somebody had to be
wrong; but it was still important to know them."

The present American Government is even closer to Bilderberg because
President Kennedy has virtually staffed the State Department with what
C.D. Jackson calls "Bilderberg alumni"-Secretary of State Dean Rusk,
Under-Secretary of State George W. Ball, George McGhee, Walter Rostow,
McGeorge Bundy, Arthur Dean, and Paul H. Nitse over at Defence. However,
the Steering Committee tries to keep a fairly even balance between
Republicans and Democrats.

Mr Ball recently said, "I think the most useful feature of the
Bilderberg meetings is the opportunity for responsible people in
industry, statecraft, or politics to have a frank discussion where they
will not be publicly quoted and are able to give their personal views
without their remarks being considered official.

"This is unique and without parallel. \the character of the meetings has
been shaped by the very devoted and astute leadership of Prince Bernhard
himself. Without his special position, intelligence and goodwill nothing
like this could come about."

Then the Under-Secretary of State added, "I certainly hope to continue
to go the meetings . So does Dean Rusk."

The Italian Ambassador in London, Signor Quaroni, said "What a pleasant
change! In other places diplomats always lie to each other."

>From Prince Bernhard's point of view the Bilderberg group gives him an
opportunity to work in private, without violating the parliamentary
taboo against royalty mixing in politics, for the unification of Europe
and, indeed, of the Atlantic Community as well. He regards this as the
best hope of humanity not only in Europe but in all the world.
Furthermore, he is highly optimistic about its chances of success.

"It may be oversimplification," Prince Bernhard said, "but I think that
with a little bit of goodwill on both sides we will find practical
solutions for the British problem, the Commonwealth, and the so-called
'Outer Seven." We would apply the main lines of the Treaty of Rome in
principle with certain provisos. For example, it might take certain
countries twenty years to adapt to its pattern of tree movement of
labour, free movement of goods and raw materials, the lowest possible
customs barriers or none, co-ordination of industry, etc.

"I'd like to see us all agree on basic principles, and then let one man,
like Jacques Rueff, with a few helpers, work it out. Big committees
always fight. If we could all agree beforehand in principle it would
result, without doubt, not in Utopia, but in an extremely strong and
healthy Europe. This in turn would bring the United States into the
economic community. It would encourage a great deal of free trade
throughout the world.

"Now, the more free trade you have the more difficult you will make it
for the new countries of Africa and Asia to set up an autarchy and live
in economic isolation, to adopt trade barriers and quotas which after a
hundred years or more we are finding out don't pay. From sheer necessity
these people will have to join in free trade. And once you get that you
can help an underdeveloped county much more easily than if there are a
hundred and fifty thousand restrictions. Also it would be easier for
them-their national pride-to accept help. That to my mind is the best
possible guaranty against Communist influence."

Within Europe itself Prince Bernhard would like to go even further than
economic union. "One thing we need for free exchange of goods is
complete interchangeability of money, a common currency. I'm flat out
for that," he said. "And this implies a certain political unity. Here
comes our greatest difficulty. for the governments of the free nations
are elected by the people, and if they do something the people don't
like they are thrown out. It is difficult to re-educate people who have
been brought up on nationalism to the idea of relinquishing part of
their sovereignty to a supra-national body.

"Then there is, of course, national selfishness, putting internal
problems first. For instance, no nation in Europe has met its full NATO
quota. There is just so much money, and there are so many things needed
inside each country. People don't think European enough or Atlantic
enough to put the good of all before party politics or national
advantage.

"This is the tragedy. Due to the freedom and democracy we cherish, we
aren't able to achieve what we all basically want to do. We don't show
the world clearly enough that our way is better than the Communist way,
because we quibble and throw bricks at each other's heads. Real unity
comes only when we are scared-when the Soviets put the pressure on and
the issue is war or not war, though I should not say that because it is
so old and sad and obvious. . We are moving towards unity, but we crawl
like snails when we should run. ."

Even if Europe moves too slowly towards political unity Prince Bernhard
optimistically believes that it will arrive if the whole place is not
blown up first. He foresees a United States of Europe in which borders
are reduced to an absolute minimum, and there is a common currency, a
common financial policy, a common foreign policy, and a common policy of
trade. The nations will give up so much of their sovereignty as is
necessary to implement this.

However, the Prince thinks they will retain their national identities.
"Each country has its history and traditions, and the cultural,
philosophical, and ethical backgrounds of which it can be extremely
proud, and which make us what we are," he said. "It would be extremely
stupid to throw all that away. It would be like blowing up your old
house before you get a new one built. I think the nations of the United
States of Europe will want to keep their flags and their monarchs,
certainly for the first fifty or one hundred years, though in that case
the monarchs should be jolly good-there will be more demands on a person
than ever before.

"What I say is let's abolish our borders in the sense that we are not
any longer going to curse our neighbours over them, or deep them out, or
try to frighten them as we used to do, but let us live across them as
brothers, while maintaining our national characteristics, not only for
our own advantage, but for the benefit of all."

Prince Bernhard in his higher flights of optimism even look to the day,
fifty or a hundred hears from now, when the Iron Curtain may be rolled
up and put away. He believes that as the old Bolsheviks die off and the
young Russians, who have lost the hot crusading fervour of the Marxist
Revelation, take over, there will be a return to a more democratic type
of socialism and a loosening of discipline that will make it possible to
bring those lost lands back into the European sphere. "Allen Dulles
laughs at me," he says, "but I think that the Russians will again become
friends with us, as they have been before.

"For this I know, and even Allen dulles agrees, that Communism inside
Russia is not the sacred shibboleth it used to be. A lot of Russians
frankly admit that they use it in other countries as propaganda in order
to bring them into their sphere. But that in Russia itself it is getting
a little out of date. That's a lovely thought, but when it will come, or
if it comes in time, who shall say.."
Preceeding extract from:

Hatch, Alden, 'H. R. H. Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands; an
authorized biography'.
Subject : Bernhard Leopold, consort of Juliana, Queen of the
Netherlands,
Harrap, 1962.




------------------------------------------------------------------------
'Prince Bernhardt's Secret Society' by A.K. Chesterton

Chapter XXIV of his book 'The New Unhappy Lords'

Watch out for gratuitous 'anti-socialist' vitriol from this writer......
[ed.] See the rider on the links section of the main Bilderberg page


If the facts concerning the Royal Institute of International Affairs and
the Council on Foreign Relations be accepted, it will be seen that the
proper study of political mankind is the study of power elites, without
which nothing that happens can be understood. These elites, preferring
to work in private, are rarely found posed for photographers, and their
influence upon events has therefore to be deduced from what is known of
the agencies they employ. There are dozens of such agencies, and
financial support received from one or other or all three big American
foundations - Rockefeller, Carnegie and Ford - provides an infallible
means of recognizing them. One of the most blatant of these agencies,
despite its adoption of a secret society technique, is the Bilderberg
Group, which seems to have been inspired by an important event. In the
year 1908, secret agents of the New York Money Power and their
Washington fuglemen had themselves transported in the dead of night to
Jekyll Island off the coast of Georgia. As the result of their plotting
there was created, four years later, the means whereby the Money Trust
was enabled to seize control of the entire American economy through the
mechanism of the Federal Reserve Board. In February 1957, a similarly
hush-hush conference took place at St. Simons Island in the same region.
A "summary" of the proceedings was entered by Senator Wiley, champion of
the Left-wing, in the appendix of the Congressional Record. It referred
to "the preservation of peace" under the auspices of Nato, which
revealed nothing. The composition of the gathering, however, was
revealing. Nobody with Right-Wing views was permitted to attend. Wiley
was accompanied by Fulbright, both of the U.S. Foreign Affairs
Committee. Sulzberger of the New York Times was there. So was the
mysterious Gabriel Hauge, said by the Wall Street Journal to be "the
expert who tells Ike what to think". So was the only less mysterious
George Kennan, former Ambassador to Russia. So were the representatives
of the Rockefeller Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace. A Supreme Court Judge was reported to have been
present, although he did not register. Westbrook Pegler, the courageous
American columnist, believes that he was Felix Frankfurter, the patron
of Dean Acheson and Alger Hiss among other dubious proteges. There was
also Lord Kilmuir, who as Sir David Maxwell Fyfe figured among that of a
more improbablelooking Scot than could be imagined. What these agents of
Financial Jewry were plotting was nothing to the benefit of the
sovereign independence of the nations of the Western World.

The following people were also present:-

J.H. Retinger, Polish Charge d'Affaires in Russia, 1941; Joseph E.
Johnson, President, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Hon.
F.D.L. Astor, Editor, The Observer, U.K.; G.W. Ball, Attorney, Cleary,
Gottlieb, Friendly and Ball, U.S.; Fritz Berg, Chairman, Federation of
German Industries, Germany; M. Nuri Birgi, Secretary-General, Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, Turkey; Eugene R. Black, President, International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development; Robert R. Bowie, Ass. Secretary
of State for Policy Planning, U.S.; McGeorge Bundy, Dean Faculty of ARts
and Sciences, Harvard University; Hakon Christianson, Chairman, East
Asiatic Company, Denmark; Walter Cisler, Presidedent, Atomic Industrial
Forum, U.S.; Pierre Commin, Secretary, French Socialist Party; B.D.
Cooke, Director, Dominion Insurance Company, U.S.; Arthur H. Dean, Law
partner of John Foster Dulles, formerly of Sullivan and Cromwell, U.S.;
Jean de la Garde, French Ambassador to Mexico; Thomas E. Dewey,
Attorney, former Governor of New York, U.S.; Sir William Eddlitt, Air
Chief Marshal, Royal Institute, U.K.; Fritz Erler, Socialist M.P.,
Germany; John Ferguson, Attorney, Cleary, Gottlieb, Friendly and Ball,
U.S.; Lincoln Gordon, Professor, Consultant to Nato's "Three Wise Men";
Sir Colin Gubbins, Industrialist, U.K.; Lawrence R. Hafstead, Technical
Adviser, Atomic Energy Commission; Jens Christian Hauge, Socialist M.P.,
Norway/ Brooks Hays, House Foreign Affairs Committee; Denis Healey,
Labour M.P. (now Minister of Defence), U.K.; Arnold D.P. Heeney, Amb
assador to U.S.A., Canada; Michael A. Heilperin, Economist, U.S.; Henry
J. Heinz, President, H.J. Heinz & Company, U.S.; Leif Hoegh, Banker,
Norway; Paul G. Hoffman, Former Director, E.C.A., U.N. Delegate, U.S.;
C.D. Jackson, President, Time Inc., Former Special Assistant to the
President, U.S.; Wm. H. Jackson, Former Special Assistant to the
President U.S.; Per Jacobson, Man. Director, International Monetary
Fund, Sweden; Georg Kurt Keisinger, Director of Special Studies,
Rockefeller Foundation; Pieter Liefnick, Director, International
Monetary Fund, Netherlands; Imbriani Longo, Director-General, Banco
Nazionale del lavoro, Italy; Paul Martin, Minister Health and Welfare,
Canada; David J. Mcdonald, President United Steelworkers; Geo. C.
McGhee, Director, Middle East Institute; Ralph E. McGill Editor, Atlanta
Constitution; Alex W. Menne, President, Association of German Chemical
Industries, Germany; Rudolf Mueller, Lawyer, Germany; Robert Murphy,
Deputy-Under-Secretary of State U.S.; Frank C. Nash, Attorney former
Assistant Secretary of Defence, U.S.; Geo. Nebolsine, Attorney, Coudert
Bros, U.S.; Paul H. Nitze, Director, Policy Planning, State Department,
U.S.; Morehead Patterson, Deputy Commissioner of Disarmament, U.S.; Don
K. Price, Vice-President, Russian Institute, Columbia University; David
Rockefeller, Chairman of the Board, Chase National Bank; J.H. Van
Joijen, Ambassador to U.S., Netherlands; Dean Rusk, President,
Rockefeller Foundation; Paul Rykans, Industrialist, Netherlands; J.L.S.
Steele, Chairman, British International Chamber of Commerce, U.K.;
Terkel M. Terkelson, Editor, Denmark; John M. Vorys, Member, Foreign
Affairs Committee/ Fraser B. Wilde, Comm. on Economic Development; Otto
von Amerongen Wollf,Partner, Otto Wollf, Germany; W.T. Wren, Chairman Al
lied Iron Founders, U.D.; Paul van Zeeland, Financier, former Prime
Minister of Belgium.

The Chairman was H.R.H. Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands. Strange, is
it not, that the Prince should be the "front" for a powerful left-wing
secret society?

Why were these people present: Who sent them? Who paid their fares? Who
sponsored their meeting? What did they discuss? What did they decide?
What orders were they given? Was there any common denominator of
interest among them? Yes, they were all promoters of internationalism.
Were they instructed in the next phase of the advance towards One World?
The answer, beyond doubt, is Yes.

The Sunday Times reported during October 1957 that financiers and
businessmen from Britain, the United States, Canada and thirteen other
Western nations had begun private talks at Fiuggi, Italy, on the
European free trade area and the Common Market projects. There were
sixty delegates, Mr. Maudling, the Paymaster-General at the time and the
Minister responsible for Britain's intended part in the proposed
European free trade area, and Viscount Kilmuir, Lord Chancellor,
attended. Lord Kilmuir said it was a point of honour that no immediate
disclosure be made of the subjects under discussion. The whole point was
that members should be able to discuss problems of interest on both
sides of the Atlantic without committing their Governments. All the
members were speaking as private individuals.

There is no difficulty in recognising in this secret gathering the
mysterious Bilderberg Group, of which Prince Bernhard is the official
sponsor. As the author surmised after the St. Simons Island meeting, the
purpose was to speed up the cause of internationalism and it is
interesting to have confirmed the fact that these agents of the Money
Power were directly concerned with the European free trade area. Am I
right in thinking that the work undertaken by the Bilderberg Group was
once undertaken by such bodies as Chatham House? It may even be that the
remorseless light I shed on Chatham House activities in the pages of the
old Truth may have led to its manipulators seeking new facades behind
which to work. As Lord Kilmuir maintained that all the Bilderberg Grou
p's members spoke as private individuals would he also have known
whether they paid their own expenses when attending these meetings in
different parts of the world? If they did not, who did?

In September 1958 another meeting of the Bilderberg Group took place in
Buxton, Derbyshire. With the exception of three very old residents, the
Palace Hotel at Buxton was cleared of guests so as to accommodate these
cloak and dagger boys, and not only that - the normal hotel staff was
temporarily suspended during the invasion so that alien waiters and
porters should have the exclusive duty of looking after the
conspirators. It would be interesting to know how the foreign servants
came to be collected for the job and just what international security
tests they were called upon to pass.

The Mayor of Buxton, whose courteous function it was to welcome
conferences to his town, was rudely ignored, as the Queen seems to have
been, by Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands, whose presence on British
soil one would have though necessitated a courtesy call on Her Majesty.
Protocol goes by the board when esoteric international policies are to
be discussed.

The security measures taken were prodigious. They made clear that if we
had not the honour of entertaining the arch-conspirators in person, at
least we had the doubtful distinction of being visited by their very
highest agents. They came not in their official capacities but as
private citizens. That fact was repeatedly stressed. Yet, according to
rumour, there arrived for their use crates of official documents so
secret that the crates had to be locked - together with a British
officer as custodian - in a room at the Buxton police station. When
asked about the authenticity of this rumour, the Conference's spokesman
tried to laugh it off. However, after persistent enquiries the spokesman
said: "Well, if General Schuyler (Chief of Staff of S.H.A.P.E.) brought
along certain documents, that is his affair." I am not saying that
General Schulyer did in fact bring along the papers; the above is merely
a report of the witnesses. Whatever the truth of the matter, the entire
Buxton assemblage stank of its own furtiveness and concealed aims.

At least twenty-four of those who attended the Buxton meeting also
attended that on St. Simons Island. Among these were John J. McCloy and
David Rockefeller (both Chase Manhattan) and Paul Rykans, a Dutch banker
and member of the Anglo-Dutch Trade Council and chairman of an
"industrial development" organisation called MIDEC. One hundred and
twenty European and six U.S. firms were in this organisation in 1960 for
the purpose of "developing" the Middle East. One of the U.S. members of
MIDEC was Rockefeller Centre Inc. Both David and Nelson Rockefeller have
been and may still be members of the Council on Foreign Relations. James
S. Rockefeller is or was the president of the First National City Bank
of New York. Anybody who likes to get a Directory of Directors and a few
dozen copies of the International Monetary Fund weekly will find plenty
of evidence to indicate that a good deal of so-called "economic policy",
whether in Washington or Indonesia, Australia or Sweden, emanates from a
relatively small circle of interested parties.

The following is a list of the names of conspirators who attended the
Buxton meeting. I use the word "conspirators" deliberately. Men pursuing
purposes which will bear the light of day do not hold secret meetings in
different parts of the world. The whole business could be treated as
schoolboy silliness were it not for the fact that there emerged from
such gatherings policies hostile to the traditional order of life. To
deprive the public of using the Buxton hotel cocktail bar and other
amenities so as not to intrude on the privacy of the plotters has about
it something of the spirit of 1984 and would be better accepted by the
cowed citizens of Moscow than it was by the wholesome burgesses of
Buxton.

J.H. Retinger (Hon. Secretary); Jo. E.Johnson (Hon. Secretary in the
U.S.); Herman J. Abs, Germany; Dean Acheson, United States; Giovanni
Agnelli, Italy; G.W. Ball, U.S.; Walworth Barbour, U.S.; Wilfred
Baumgartner, France; Sir Edward Beddington-Behrens, U.K.; Berthold
Beitz, Germany; Fritz Berg, Germany; Muharrem Nuri Birgi, Turkey; P.A.
Blaisse, Netherlands; James C. Boden, Germany; Erik Boheman, Sweden; Max
Brauer, Germany; Randolph W. Burgess, U.S.; Lewis Camu, Belgium; Guido
Carli, Italy; Clifford P. CAse, U.S.; Victor Cavendish-Bentick, U.K.;
Sir Ralph Cochrane, U.K.; Erich Dethleffsen, Germany; Fritz Erler,
Germany; John Ferguson, U.S.; H.T.N. Gaitskell, U.K.; Walter L. Gordon,
Canada; Joseph Grimond, U.K.; Sir Colin Gubbins, U.K.;Walther Hallstein
(Chairman, European Common Market Commission); Joseph C. Harsch, U.S.;
Gabriel Hauge, U.S.; Denis Healey, U.K.; Michael A. Heilperin, U.S.; H.
J. Heinz II, U.S.; Leif Hoegh, Norway; C.D. Jackson, U.S.; Viscount
Kilmuir, U.K.; E.N. van Kleffens; Viscount Knollys, U.K.; Ole B. Kraft,
Denmark; Thorkil Kristensen, Denmark; Giovanni F. Malagodi, Italy; John
J. McCloy, U.S.; Geo. C. McGhee, U.S.; Philip E. Mosley, U.S.; Roger
Motz, Belgium; Rudolf Mueller, Germany;Alfred C. Neal, U.S.; Geo.
Nebolsine, U.S.; Paul H. Nitze, U.S.; David Ormsby-Gore, U.K.; P.F.S.
Otten, Netherlands; P.N. Pipinelis, Greece, Alberto Pirelli, Italy;
Pietro Quaroni, Italy; Sir Alfred Roberts, U.K.; David Rockefeller,
U.S.; Michael Ross, U.S.; Jacques Rueff; Paul Rykans, Netherlands; Carlo
Schmid, Germany; C.V.R. Schuyler; J.L.S. Steele, U.K.; Terkel M.
Terkelson, Denmark; Henry Tiarks, U.K.; Every A. Vermeer, Netherlands;
Marc Wallenberg, Sweden; Otto Von Amerongen, Germany; Paul van Zeeland,
Belgium; J.D. Zellerbach, U.S.

In 1961 an article in the Toronto Star Read as follows: "The Tenth
Bilderberg Conference attended by seventy delegates from Europe and
North America wound up yesterday after three days of discussion of
common problems. Participants, whose names were not disclosed, included
leaders of the political, industrial, labour and professional fields of
both continents, an official statement said. Chairman of the meeting was
Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands, who left Quebec yesterday for home
after making private visits to cities in Mexico, the U.S. and Canada.
The statement said although the conference "followed the original
Bilderberg concept of not attempting to reach conclusions or to
recommend policies, there was substantial agreement on the need to
promote better understanding and more effective co-ordination among the
Western nations. Points of particular concern included the role of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in world policy, the strengthening of
both the nuclear and non-nuclear deterrent power of the alliance and the
responsibility for control of atomic weapons inside Nato", the statement
said. 'The implications for Western unity of the change in the relative
economic strength of the U.S. and Western Europe also were discussed at
some length.'"

To the unsuspecting all this may seem innocuous, perhaps even fatuous.
For instance, there might not appear to be much danger in a body that
does not attempt to reach conclusions or to recommend policies. However,
there are other factors to be taken into account. Quite a lot of money
is needed to fly seventy delegates from all over the world to an annual
conference. Who finds that money and why? And who delegates the
delegates? The author finds it hard to believe that the expense is
incurred merely for the pleasure of staging discussion not aimed at any
conclusion. Let there be no doubt about this business. When people like
Frankfurter, Dean Acheson and Cyrus Eaton foregather it is not for the
purpose of amiable chats and mutual backscratching. If the Bilderberg
conferences reach no conclusions and recommend no policies, it is
because the conclusions have already been reached and the policies
determined, so that the delegates assemble to be told what the form is.
They do not need to be given their orders. Once the form is declared
they know well enough hat is expected of them, while for our part it be
affirmed with assurance that the Bilderberg "power-elite" would not
discuss the nuclear power deterrence of the North Atlantic Treaty
Alliance in any sense favourable to countries such as Great Britain
retaining nuclear weapons under their own sovereign control.

Sir Edward Beddington-Behrens stated in The Times about June 1960, when
writing an obituary of Joseph Retinger, that he, Retinger, "founded the
Bilderberg Group, whose meetings under the chairmanship of Prince
Bernhard of the Netherlands brought together the leading political and
industrial personalities from the U.S. and Europe, to discuss ways of
removing any source of conflict between the U.S. and her allies. The
meetings, held with out any kind of publicity in England, Holland,
Turkey, Switzerland, or the United States, brought together leading
statesmen who could discuss their problems in privacy and exchange
points of view with men of equal eminence in other countries. It was
Joseph Retinger who brought them together and knew them all personally."


The author finds it hard to believe that Retinger was anything other
than an agent or promoter. Financiers rather than industrialists would
be a more accurate description of Groups's inspirators. And no ordinary
financiers. The men who find the funds are the international policy
makers who seek to shape the world to their own particular
specification. International financiers do not take orders for men like
Joseph Retinger.

Retinger, I repeat, was an agent. The world is not run by stray
idealists,m although agents, of course, may be actuated by genuine
idealism. That does not make their projects necessarily wholesome. I
affirm that the influences behind the European movement which made use
of Retinger's idealism are, from a national and Christian point of view,
thoroughly unwholesome and indeed evil, in that what they seek is a
monopoly of political and financial power. Evil, too, is the method.
Nations are represented - at any rate according to a polite fiction - by
their Governments. Who selects the "leading political and industrial
personalities" who go cavorting around the globe to attend secret
discussions upon world affairs: Is the Bilderberg Group a flying circus
nominated by the Royal Institute of International Affairs and its
dominating partner in America, the Council on Foreign Relations? Some
kind of nexus seems certain. Both Chatham House and the Council fit the
description of what has been called the Power Elite - "a group of men
similar in interest and outlook, shaping events from invulnerable
positions behind the scenes."And what is the Bilderberg Group if not
precisely that?

We may be certain that the Group was not organised by Joseph Retinger as
the principal. Who would the principal have been? Baruch? Frankfurter?
The Kuhn, Loeb gang? And why the cloak and dagger stuff? Is the
Bilderberg Group an apparatus of Grand Orient Masonry? Whatever the
answer to that question the atmosphere of plotting in the dark which
pervades it has a dank and very nasty smell. Sir Edward
Beddington-Behrens would perform a service to the Western Nations if he
would describe in more detail the work and background of Retinger, who
was a very mysterious person indeed.

There are other points worth noting. It was possible for Dean Acheson,
former U.S. Secretary of State, to slip in and out of Britain for the
Buxton Conference without exciting any British newspaper comment. The
Bilderberg Group had affirmed its desire to strengthen the Nato
alliance, which was brought into being to contain Communism. Yet when
two American juries found Alger Hiss guilty of perjury in denying that
he was a Communist agent, Dean Acheson publicly reaffirmed his
friendship with the traitor. Another Bilderberg enthusiast was Cyrus
Eaton, the American millionaire who allowed his Pugwash home to be used
for Bilderberg sponsored conferences. Yet Cyrus Eaton was notorious for
his pro-Communist sympathies.

If it were possible to bring members of the Bilderberg Group before a
Commission of Enquiry they would have theses and many other matters to
explain. They would also these and many other matters to explain. They
would also have to give a more satisfactory answer than any yet offered
about the need for a secret society technique so offered about the need
for a secret society technique so offered about the need for a secret
society technique so stringent that not even the honest British waiters
and waitresses at a Buxton hotel could be allowed within earshot of the
conspirators. Until Prince Bernhard and his colleagues explain
themselves, which is an improbable event, I propose to designate them as
the chosen lackeys of the New York Money Power charged with the task of
plotting to bring into being a One World tyranny.

My friend and colleague Austen Brooks drew the attention of readers of
Candour to another exceedingly curious extra-governmental body working
along lines which would suggest its affiliation with the Bilderberg
group. Early in 1962 a dozen "leading churchmen" ) of whom, needless to
say, one was Canon John Collins) published an "appeal to the British
Government and people" urging that Britain should be prepared to
renounce her independent nuclear deterrent. Commenting on this, the
Observer wrote: "Behind the statement lies a strange and little-known
relationship between Church leaders and some of Britain's best-known
military pundits. The connection started back in 1955, when Richard
Goold-Adams, foreign affairs commentator, Denis Healey, the Labour
politician, Professor Blackett and Rear-Admiral Sir Anthony Buzzard,
former head of Naval Intelligence and an active Churchman, were worried
about the lack of serious thinking about strategy in Britain and, in
particular, the undue reliance on the strategic H-bomb."(Note the
nuclear surrender hand in the "strategic" glove.) This quartet,
according to the Observer, "raised the problem" with the then Bishop of
Chichester, the late Dr. Bell, who in turn "interested" the chairman and
secretary of the Churches' Commission on International Affairs, Sir
Kenneth Grubb and the Rev. Alan Booth, and in January, 1957, a
conference - described by the Observer as "a strange assembly,
eighty-strong, hard-headed military men, journalists and politicians
surrounded by clerical cloth" - was held at the Bedford Hotel in
Brighton. A continuation committee was set up and the Brighton
Conference Association came into being to work against "the undue
reliance on the strategic Hbomb".

It was at this point of the story that the Observer opened the bag and
let the cat out. "After a year or so,"it wrote, "the money they had
collected was beginning to run out. But just at that moment, Denis
Healey managed to interest the Ford Foundation in this enterprise. He
asked for only 10,000 dollars. They offered ten times as much, and with
this the Brighton Conference Association wound itself up and the
Institute for Strategic Studies came into existence."

The persuasive Mr. Healey, who "managed to interest" the Ford Foundation
in the "enterprise" which was working to get rid of Britain's Nuclear
deterrent, was then the Labour Party's shadow Minister of Defence. He
was also a leading member of the Fabian Society, a member of the
Bilderberg group and, almost certainly, a member of the Royal Institute
of International Affairs. Small wonder that the policy of the Institute
for Strategic Studies, which the American Ford Foundation had brought
into being, was soon adopted as the official policy of the Labour Party.
In October, 1964, the Fabian Bilderberger Denis Healey became Minister
of Defence, an appointment which was the signal for the almost immediate
abandonment of a number of British military aircraft projects. Then,
early in April, 1965, came what was for all practical purposes the
renunciation of the British independent nuclear deterrent - the
abandonment of the magnificent British aircraft TSR2. The announcement
of this abandonment was made, curiously, not by Mr. Healey but by his
colleague Mr. James Callaghan, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his
Budget speech. What Mr. Callaghan did not announce was that only a
couple of months earlier the Ford Foundation had made a further grant to
Mr. Healey's Institute for 100,000 dollars look parsimonious. This was a
grant of 550,000 dollars over six years.

After the announcement that TSR2 was to be scrapped, the B.B.C. brought
before the television cameras a strategic "expert" to reassure viewers
that the decision was "quite right". The "expert" was Mr. Alistair
Buchan, Director of the Institute for Strategic Studies. Strangely
enough, the B.B.C. omitted to tell viewers of the part played by Mr.
Healey and the Ford Foundation in providing Mr. Buchan with the job
which "qualified" him to pronounce a benediction on the policy of Mr.
Healey. If the Socialist Government wishes to economise, why does it not
shut down the Ministry of Defence and transfer its powers outright to
the headquarters of the Ford Foundation? That would seem to accord with
the facts!

One final fact about the Bilderberg group. At its 1965 meeting it had a
new recruit. His Royal Highness Prince Philip. In the present year of
grace (1967), Prince Philip attended another secret Bilderberg meeting
at St. John's College, Cambridge.
>From 'The New Unhappy Lords' by AK Chesterton




------------------------------------------------------------------------
Links


Nazi industrialists escape to the USA in a giant U-Boat before Hitler's
fall. Prince Bernhard, Bilderberg supremo, appears to be loitering on
the coast! http://mallofmaine.com/ca35/

1945 - U.S. elites help Gestapo boss escape trial by faking his death.
As the liberating allied forces closed on Berlin, notorious head of the
Gestapo Martin Boormann was smuggled out and under the Atlantic bringing
essential components for Hiroshima and Nagasaki atom bombs.  Latest
research. http://u234.com/hydrick/noname.html



------------------------------------------------------------------------

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Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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