-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
America's Secret Establishment
An introduction to The Order of Skull & Bones
by ANTONY C. SUTTON
Liberty House Press
2027 Iris
Billings, Montana 59102
1986
-----
Highly recommended. There is more in this book than can be presented here.
Many charts and reproductions of original source material. As always, Caveat
Lector.
In stock at: A-albionic Research, PO Box 20273, Ferndale, MI 48220-0273
[EMAIL PROTECTED] (Lloyd Miller, Research Director)
Om
K
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Memorandum Number Five:
The New Dialectic - Angola And China
I. -THE NECESSITY FOR A NEW DIALECTIC PROCESS
World War II was the culmination of the dialectic process created in
the 1920s and 1930s. The dash between "left" and "right," i.e., the
Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, led to creation of a synthesis -
notably the United Nations, and a start towards regional groupings in
the Common Market, COMECON, NATO, UNESCO, Warsaw Pact, SEATO, CENTO, and then
the Trilateral Commission. A start towards a New World Order.
World War II left The Order with the necessity to create a new dialec-
tical situation to promote more conflict to achieve a higher level
synthesis.
The source of the current process may be found in National Security
Memorandum No. 68 of 1950, with its extraordinary omissions (an-
alyzed in The Phoenix Letter, January 1984). NSC 68 opened up the
road for Western technology to build a more advanced Soviet Union -
which it did in the 1960s and 1470s with computerized space-age
technology. At the same time NSC 68 presented the argument for
massive expansion of U.S. defenses - on the grounds of a future
Soviet threat. The omission in NSC 68 was quite elementary, i.e., that
the Soviets could not progress without Western technology. NSC 68
allowed that technology transfer to go on. In other words, by allowing
Western firms to expand the Soviet Union. NSC-68 also "pari pas"
created the argument for a U.S. defense budget. We identified in our
Phoenix Letter article the link between NSC-68 and The Order.
Unfortunately for The Order, but not surprisingly, given their limited
perception of the world, the dialectic plan based on NSC-68 misfired.
The principal devices used to control the dialectic process in the past
two decades have been (a) information, (b) debt and (c) technology.
These have become diluted over time. They just don't work as well to-
day as they did in the 1950s.
By and large, control of information has been successful. The intellec-
tual world is still locked into a phony verbal battle between "left" and
"right," whereas the real struggle is the battle between individual
freedom and the encroaching power of the absolute State. The Soviet
Union, with its tight censorship, presents a strictly Marxist (i.e., "left")
orientation to its citizens. The enemy is always the "fascist" United States.
The West is a little more complicated but not much more so.
Quigley's argument in Tragedy And Hope, that J.P. Morgan used
financial power to control politics, has been extended to The Order's
control of information. In the West the choice is basically between a
controlled "left-oriented" information and a controlled
"right-oriented"-information.[1][1. There are, exceptions. Obviously Review
Of The News, American Opinion and Reason are outside the controlled "right"
frame. To some extent the U.S. Labor Party is outside the "left' but includes
so much spurious material that its publications are hardly worth reading.
Henry George is a clear-cut "left" exception.] The conflict between the two
controlled groups keeps a apparent informational conflict alive. Unwelcome
facts that fall into neither camp are conveniently forgotten. Books that fall
into neither camp can be effectively neutralized because they will incur the
wrath of both "right" and "left".
In brief, any publication which points up the fallacy of the Left-Right
dichotomy is ignored . . . and citizens keep trooping down to the polling
booths in the belief they have a "choice".
The second control mechanism is debt. If Marxist countries have to
import technology, they need to earn or borrow Western currencies to
pay for it. Loans have to be repaid. So to some extent, debtors are
under control of creditors, unless they default. Default is the weakness.
The third control mechanism is technology. If technology to advance
to more efficient production levels has to be imported, then the recipient
is always kept away from the "state of the art". The weakness for The
Order is that military technology does not require a market system.
The dialectic plan therefore misfired for several reasons. Firstly, the
informational blackout has not been as successful as The Order ex-
pected. We shall describe later how control of Time and Newsweek
gave The Order dominance over weekly news summaries. The TV net-
works have been able to orchestrate viewer reactions - to some extent.
For example, the three ABC blockbusters in 1983 were The Day After,
Thornbirds, and Winds Of War, all with a common propaganda theme.
But The Order was unable to restrict individuals and relatively small
non-academic groups, almost always outside Universities, from explor-
ing obvious inconsistencies in establishment propaganda. These groups
often mistakenly termed "left" or "right" are outside the generally
manipulated left-right spectrum.
Secondly, the debt weapon was over-used. Communist countries are
now saturated with debt to Western bankers.
Thirdly, while technology is still a useful weapon, there are distinct
stirrings among independent analysts of the danger posed for the
Western world by building enemies.
Consequently, in today's world we can identify two facts in construc-
tion of a new dialectic. First, cautious reinforcement of the Marxian
arm (the thesis presented in Memorandum Three), i.e., Marxist Angola
gets a green light, but a Marxist Grenada got a red light.
Second, the construction of a completely new arm, that of Com-
munist China, itself Marxist, but with conflict potential for the Soviet
Union. Major efforts by The Order are in progress, only partly revealed in
the press, to create a new superpower in a conflict mode with the
Soviet Union. This is the new antithesis, replacing Nazi Germany.
II. THE ORDER CREATES A MARXIST ANGOLA
Angola, a former Portuguese province on the southwest coast of
Africa, is a contemporary example of continued, but more cautious,
creation of the Marxist arm of the dialectic process.
The official establishment view of Angola is that Angola was a Portu-
guese colony and oppressive Portuguese rule led to an independence
movement in which the Marxists won out over "democratic" forces.
This view cannot be supported. If the Portuguese were colonists in
Angola, then so are the Boston Brahmins in Massachusetts. Luanda,
the chief town in Angola, was settled by the Portuguese in 1575-
that's half a century before the Pilgrims landed in Massachusetts. The in-
digenous population of Angola in 1575 was less than the Indian popula-
tion of Massachusetts. Over three centuries the Portuguese treated
Angola more as a province than as a colony, in contrast to British,
French and Belgian colonial rule in Africa. So if Angola belonged to
non-existent indigenous natives, then so does Massachusetts logically
belong to American Indians.
In the early 1960s the United States was actively aiding the Marxist
cause in Angola. This is clear from former Secretary of State Dean
Acheson. The following extracts are from a memorandum recording a
conversation between Dean Acheson (Scroll & Key), McGeorge Bundy
(The Order '40), and President Kennedy dated April 2, 1962:
"He [Kennedy] then turned to the negotiations with Portugal over
the Azores base. He said that not much seemed to be happening
and that he would be grateful to have me take the matter over and
see if something could be done. I asked him for permission to talk
about the situation for a few minutes and said about the following:
"The Portuguese were deeply offended at what they believed was
the desertion of them by the United States, if not the actual align-
ment of the United States with their enemies. The problem, it
seemed to me, lay not so much in negotiations with the Portu-
guese as in the determination of United States policy. The battle
would be in Washington, rather than in Lisbon."
Then Dean Acheson comments on a topic apparently already known
to President Kennedy, that the United States was supporting the revolu-
tionary movements in Angola:
"The President then asked me why I was so sure that there was no
room for negotiations under the present conditions. I said that, as
he perhaps knew, we had in fact been subsidizing Portugal's
enemies; and that they strongly suspected this. although they
could not prove it. He said that the purpose of this was to try to
keep the Angolan nationalist movement out of the hands of
communist Ghanaians, etc., and keep it in the most moderate
hands possible. I said that I quite understood this, but that it did
not make what the Portuguese suspected any more palatable to
them. We were also engaged in smuggling Angolese out of
Angola and educating them in Lincoln College outside of
Philadelphia in the most extreme nationalist views. Furthermore
the head of this college had secretly and illegally entered Angola
and on-his return had engaged in violent anti-Portuguese
propaganda. We voted in the United Nations for resolutions "con-
demning" Portugal for maintaining order in territory unques-
tionably under Portuguese sovereignty. I pointed out that the
Portuguese were a proud people, especially sensitive because
they had declined to such an impotent position after such a
glorious history. They would rather proceed to the ruin of their
empire in a dignified way, as they had in Goa, than be bought or
wheedled into cooperating in their own destruction."
There is an extremely important, although seemingly minor, point in
President Kennedy's comments. Kennedy apparently believed the U.S.
was financing Nationalists, not Marxists, whereas the U.S. was actually
aiding Marxists, as it was later to do in South Africa, following a pattern
going back to the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. There is a point
well worth following up in the Kennedy files, i.e., just how much Ken-
nedy knew about CIA and State Department operations. where The
Order was in control.
The Marxists under Neto's MPLA obtained control of Angola. The
Order with powerful allies among multinational corporations has ex-
erted pressure on successive Administrations to keep Angola as a
Cuban-Soviet base in Southern Africa.
Back in 1975 the U.S. in conjunction with South Africa did indeed
make a military drive into Angola. At a crucial point, when South
African forces could have reached Launda, the United States called off
assistance. South Africa had no choice but to retreat. South Africa
learned the hard way that the U.S. is only nominally anti-Marxist. In
practice the U.S. did to South Africa what it had done many times
before - the elite betrayed its anti-Marxist allies.
By the early 1980s The Order's multinational friends came out of the
woodwork while carefully coordinating public actions with Vice Presi-
dent Bush (The Order 1948). For example, in March 27, 1981 The
Wall Street Journal ran a revealing article, including some nugget of
reality mingled with the Establishment line. This front page article
viewed U.S. multinational support for the Angolan Marxists under the
headline "Friendly Foe: companies urge U.S. to stay out of Angola,
decline aid to rebels" (these rebels being anti-Marxist Savimbi's UNITA
forces aided by South Africa).
The leader of the pro-Marxist corporate forces in the U.S. is Melvin J.
Hill, President of Gulf Oil Exploration & Production Company, a unit of
Gulf Oil which operates Gulf Cabinda. This is a refinery complex in
Angola, protected from Savimbi's pro-Western rebels by Cubans and
Angolan Marxist troops. Hill told the WSJ "Angola is a knowledgeable,
understanding and reliable business partner." Hill not only appeared
before Congress with this pro-Marxist line, but met at least several times
with Vice President Bush.
PWJ Wood of Cities Service added more to the Gulf Oil mythology.
Said Wood:
"The Angolans are more and more development oriented. They
aren't interested in politicizing central Africa on behalf of Cubans
or the Soviet Union. Our people aren't persona non grata in
Angola."
Hill and Wood, of course, are no more than public relations agents
for Marxist Angola, although we understand they have not registered as
foreign agents with the U.S. Department of Justice. Angola is very
much a Cuban-Soviet base for the take-over of Southern Africa, yet 17
western oil companies and other firms are in Angola. They include
Gulf, Texaco, Petrofina, Mobil, Cities Service, Marathon Oil and Union
Texas Petroleum. Other firms include Allied Chemical, Boeing Aircraft,
General Electric - and Bechtel Corporation. It should be remembered
that both Secretary of State Schultz and Secretary of Defense
Weinberger are on loan from Bechtel Corporation.
Gulf Oil Corporation is controlled by the Mellon interests. The largest
single shareholder of the outstanding shares. The Mellon Bank is
represented on the Board of Gulf Oil by James Higgins, a Yale graduate
but not, so far as we can determine, a member of The Order.
The next largest shareholder is the Mellon Family comprising the
Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Richard King Foundation, and the
Sarah Scaife Foundation. This group, which thinks of itself as "con-
servative," holds about 7 percent of the outstanding shares. Morgan
Guaranty Trust (a name we have encountered before) holds 1.8 million
shares or about 1 percent of the outstanding shares.
To a great extent these corporations with Angolan interests have
themselves out on a limb. It is surprising, for example, that South Africa
has not moved to fake counter action against Angolan based firms.
especially General Electric, Boeing, Morgan Guaranty Trust, Gulf Oil
and Cities Service. After all, the South Africans are directly losing men
from the massive support given to the Angolan Marxists by these firms.
It would be cheaper in South African lives to direct retaliatory action
against the corporations rather than against Cubans and Angolans.
After U.S. betrayal of South Africa in 1975, when South African
forces could have reached Luanda, it is a tribute to South Africa's cau-
tion that it has not used this rather obvious counter weapon. After all, a
South African surgical strike on Cabinda would neatly remove the
Angolans' largest single' source of foreign exchange, and give multi-
national Marxists a little food for thought. We are not, of course, recom-
mending any such action, but it does remain an option open to South
Africa. And the possible U.S. reaction? Well the State Department and
CIA had best be ready with an explanation for the U.S. Embassy plane
caught photographing South African military installations!
We cite the above only to demonstrate the dangerous nature of The
Order's conflict management scenarios.
III. THE ORDER BUILDS A NEW DIALECTIC ARM IN CHINA
Just as we found the Bush family involved with the early develop-
ment of the Soviet Union, then with financing the Nazis, and vaguely
behind the scenes in Angola, so we find a Bush active in construction of
the new dialectic arm: Communist China.
In 1971 Mr. Nixon appointed George "Poppy" Bush (The Order
1948) as U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, irrespective of the
fact that Bush had no previous experience in diplomacy. As chief U. S.
delegate, Bush had responsibility for defense against the, Communist
Chinese attack on the Republic of China, an original free enterprise
member of the United Nations. With the vast power of the United States
at his disposal, Bush failed miserably: the Republic was expelled from
United Nations and Communist China took its seat. Shortly after that
fiasco, Bush left United Nations to take over as Chairman of the
Republican National Committee.
This is not the place to tell the whole story of American involvement
in China. It began with Wall Street intervention into the Sun Yat Sen
revolution of 1911 - a story not yet publicly recorded.
During World War II the United States helped the Chinese Com-
munists into power. As one Chinese authority, Chin-tung Liang, has
written about General Joseph W. Stilwell, the key U.S. representative
in China from 1942 to 1944: "From the viewpoint of the struggle
against Communism . , . [Stilwell] did a great disservice to China."[1][1.
Chin Tun Liang, General Stilwell In China, 1942-1944: The Full Story, St.
John's University, 1972, p. 12.]
Yet Stilwell only reflected orders from Washington, from General
George C. Marshall. And as Admiral Cooke stated to Congress,". . . in 1946
General Marshall used the tactics of stoppage of ammunition to
invisibly disarm the Chinese forces."[2][2. Ibid., p. 278.]
But when we get to General Marshall we need to remember that in
the U.S. the civilian branch has final authority in matters military and
that gets us to then Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson, Marshall's
superior and a member of The Order (1888). By an amazing coin-
cidence, Stimson was also Secretary of War in 1911 - at the time of
the Sun Yat Sen revolution.
The story of the betrayal of China and the role of The Order will have
to await yet another volume. At this time we want only to record the
decision to build Communist China as a new arm of the dialectic - a
decision made under President Richard Nixon and placed into opera-
tion by Henry Kissinger (Chase Manhattan Bank) and George "Poppy"
Bush (The Order).
As we go to press (early 1984) Bechtel Corporation has established a
new company, Bechtel China, Inc., to handle development, engineer-
ing and construction contracts for the Chinese government. The new
President of Bechtel China, Inc. is Sydney B. Ford, formerly marketing
manager of Bechtel Civil & Minerals, Inc. Currently Bechtel is working
on studies for the China National Coal Development Corporation and
the China National Offshore Oil Corporation - both, of course,
Chinese Communist organizations.
It appears that Bechtel is now to play a similar role to that of Detroit
based Albert Kahn, Inc., the firm that in 1928 undertook initial studies.
and planning for the First Five Year Plan in the Soviet Union.
By about the year 2000 Communist China will be a "superpower"
built by American technology and skill. It is presumably the intention of
The Order to place this power in a conflict mode with the Soviet Union.
There is no doubt Bechtel will do its job. Former CIA Director Richard
Helms works for Bechtel, so did Secretary of State George Shultz,
Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger. That's a powerful, influential
combination, if any Washington planner concerned with national
security gets out of line sufficiently to protest.
Yet, The Order has probably again miscalculated. What will be
Moscow's reaction to this dialectic challenge? Even without traditional
Russian paranoia they can be excused for feeling more than a little
uneasy. And who is to say that the Chinese Communists will not make
their peace with Moscow after 2000 and join forces to eliminate the
super-super-power - the United States?
pps. 175-181
--cont--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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