-Caveat Lector-

<A HREF="http://www.ZolaTimes.com/aQuig.html">Bill Clinton's Mentor</A>
Dr. Carroll Quigley
& the 'Network'
Revised Review by William DeVore

Sunday, April 4, 1999

How did a kid from Hope, [actually Hot Springs], Arkansas, without
wealth and powerful friends, find the knowledge to muster and facilitate
the most powerful political machine on earth? I may have a clue.

Most people have ruminated on how and why Bill Clinton continues to be
protected and even empowered by a seemingly omnipotent invisible force.
Is it God, perhaps? Or even luck? But whatever it is, it seems to work
in 'strange and wondrous ways'. Might we think about it?

An increasing few believe that a very conscious 'network' of interests,
who have long advanced and fostered Clinton's career, now seem resolute
to protect him at almost any cost. It also seems that their ability to
forge public opinion is awesome.

It is a profound mystery, why the elite of America's leaders, inside the
press, the academic world, and even the staid foreign policy
establishment, continue to protect him - even after he has been publicly
exposed, and proven to be criminal, in law, and morally bankrupt as
well. What can he say to Mrs. Broaddrick's charges with any degree of
credibility. So, he says nothing and the elite media charade continues

A Few Nagging Questions

Why has the top brass, who control NBC 'spiked' a sensational story,
that even their own news executives, after full investigation, see as a
"very credible," allegation of rape and cover-up against Bill Clinton by
a seemingly very credible Mrs. Juanita Broaddrick?

Those who have talked to her say she is fully aware of the ruined lives
and multiple deaths strewn all over the Clinton battlefield. She fears
for her precious life. She fears for the livelihood of her family's
nursing home business which is regulated by the corrupt Arkansas
political machine.

Why is she coming out of the closet now?

In an earlier version of this review, I said it was "knowledge of what
"this monster" [her words], might do to the nation. Seeing what is
happening won't let her keep silent any longer. She is trapped. Perhaps
so, perhaps not. " Then the Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal
state that she wanted to clear her husband of allegations that he had
accepted 'major favors' in return for silence. She obviously believes
there were none. This is probably true and helps to explain why OIC
Starr and the House Managers decided not bring her experience to bear in
the House and Senate proceedings.

But, both major stories in the Journal and the Post were in fact stories
about NBC and why 'someone' saw fit to override both Tim Russert and
Lisa Myers who fought tooth and nail for a timely air date. NBC is a
'network' and 'networking' brings us to the renowned expert in this
field, Dr. Carroll Quigley.

Is there a concerted 'network' protecting Bill Clinton?

Perhaps a clue can be found in reading what Roger Morris reveals about
Dr. Carroll Quigley in his best selling book, Partners in Power. Dr.
Quigley was Bill Clinton's mentor and teacher at Georgetown University.

Before his recent death, Professor Quigley was considered the world's
leading expert on a 'power clique' which he described as a 'concerted
network' which shapes political destiny and fosters talented politicians
like Bill Clinton.

If Knowledge is power, and few will argue differently, Bill Clinton owes
both his knowledge and power to the 'network' introduced to him by Dr.
Quigley. The question I have is this:

Is this the 'network' with seemingly godlike powers which continues to
protect Bill Clinton at the sacrifice of America's 'rule of law'?

A Special Two Minute Excerpt from
Partners in Power
by Roger Morris
- - -
Spread across a hundred acres on the rolling bluffs above the Potomac in
northwest Washington, the Georgetown campus was one of the capital's
landmarks. Overlooking the river were the Gothic spires of the venerable
and picturesque Georgetown College for arts and sciences.
On the gracious Georgetown campus that autumn, [1967], where a future
president was intent on the politics of the moment, Virginia Clinton had
come to help get him settled, and his provincial Arkansas education had
raised eyebrows from the start. "What in the name of the Holy Father is
a Southern Baptist who can't speak a foreign language doing in the
mother of all Jesuit schools?" a priest had asked them smilingly but
pointedly when they checked in. "Don't worry," her son had told her.
"They'll know what I'm doing here when I've been here awhile." Less than
a day later he was campaigning for freshman class president...

John Kalell, a freshman, remembered the tall, cheery Southerner coming
by the dormitory already leading a "a coterie" of students who "had some
belief in him," thrusting out his hand to introduce himself, and asking,
"How'd you like to sign a petition to have a television placed in the
lounge on this floor?"

Typically, others saw the affable young man from Hot Springs as
determined "to soak up every ounce of information and experience he
could find" and doing so "with a hunger and gusto bewildering to those
with far less self-assurance." His most lasting academic impression
seems to have been a required freshman course, Development of
Civilization, a survey of European history taught by Carroll Quigley,
one of the Georgetown's more colorful professors, who was known to
conclude his lectures on classical political theory by flamboyantly
tossing Plato's Republic or some other masterpiece out the second story
classroom window.

Quigley knowingly explained the connections between money, technology,
class, and political power that conventional history often obscured-the
role of the stirrup in the rise of the European aristocracy or how a
technical impasse in gold mining prompted Roman imperial expansion.
Renowned on campus, his final lecture was always on what he called "the
key to the success of Western civilization," the "future preference" of
both Europe and the United States- "the willingness" as one student
remembered it, "to make sacrifices today to secure a better future... to
prefer the future over the present." Citizens had a "moral
responsibility" to build for posterity, the professor admonished them.

Quigley's "future preference" would echo in Bill Clinton's later
speeches- "that fundamental truth {which} has guided my political
career," he called it. Clinton even mentioned the late professor in
accepting the 1992 presidential nomination. But Quigley was also the
proponent of a rather less idealistic view of American politics. A
consultant to the space program, the Pentagon, and the Smithsonian, he
had written a 1,300 page book grandly titled Tragedy and Hope: A History
of the World in Our Times, in which he extolled the way both the
Democrats and the Republicans, while maintaining a democratic illusion
for popular consumption, were fundamentally subservient to powerful
special interest. Political parties are "simply organizations to be
used," and big business has been "the dominant element in both parties
since 1900," he wrote. "The argument that the two parties should
represent opposed ideals and policies...is a foolish idea. Instead, the
two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can
throw the rascals out at any election without leading to any profound or
extensive shifts in policy. The policies that are vital and necessary
for America are no longer subjects of significant disagreement, but are
disputable only in detail, procedure, priority, or method."

Quigley was especially impressed by the old foreign affairs
establishment, part of a larger Anglo-American financial and corporate
elite and what he called a "power structure between London and New York
which penetrated deeply into university life, the press, and the
practice of foreign policy." He saw the prestigious Council on Foreign
Relations- as a concerted, if not conspiratorial, international network.
Quigley approved heartily of the council's "powerful influence" and
"very significant role in the history of the United States"; he "admired
its goals and agreed with its methods," concluded a student. He
exaggerated the import of the council itself, as apart from the wider
sociology of knowledge implicit in its otherwise mincing discussions and
publications. But the somewhat awestruck academic did capture much of
the intellectual-psychological conformity and co-option of the old
establishment, its society of status and orthodoxy so conventional, so
linked to corporate and financial power, after all, as to dispense with

Clinton found Quigley "fascinating, electrifying, and brilliant," said a
fellow student, Harold Snider. "Dr. Quigley was our mentor and friend.
He left an indelible impression on our lives." Quigley had thought one
mark of laudable elite dominance in Washington of the 1960s was "the
large number of Oxford-trained men" in the Kennedy and Johnson
administrations, and he was alert to make his own students eligible for
power. Clinton and others who did well he urged to apply for Rhodes
scholarships and similar grants.

By the 1990s, as it happened, the eccentric Georgetown lecturer had
acquired a kind of posthumous vindication in the number of like-minded
and properly groomed figures crowding the campaigns and appointment
lists of both George Bush and Bill Clinton. "If he is to be believed,"
one former student would say of the late Carroll Quigley during the 1992
election. "it won't matter whom you vote for on November 3.
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