-Caveat Lector-

>From Int'l Herald Tribune

Paris, Thursday, April 8, 1999
10,000 Refugees Disappear in Chaos at Border
As War Intensifies, U.S. Warns of Trials

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By Joseph Fitchett International Herald Tribune
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PARIS - Aircraft of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization pressed their
attacks against Serbian armored units in Kosovo on Wednesday, seeking to
knock out the ground forces of Slobodan Milosevic, the Yugoslav leader, and
exploit the advantage gained by clear skies and crumbling air defenses.
Alliance governments also were grappling with the continuing humanitarian
emergency of nearly a million displaced Kosovars.

Simultaneously, Western governments were seeking to maintain a united front
for a prolonged military campaign against Mr. Milosevic's forces.

In a move apparently aimed partly at creating a rift within

the Yugoslav military, the State Department publicized the names of nine
Serbian officers in Kosovo and warned them that war crimes committed in
areas under their command could bring prosecution by an international
tribunal.

''We're putting them on notice,'' said James Rubin, the State Department
spokesman. ''The world is watching.''

Mr. Rubin noted that there was no statute of limitations on war crimes.

He added that the United States was not accusing any of the nine of having
ordered atrocities, but knew that such crimes had taken place.

As to President Milosevic's ultimate responsibility for such abuses, Mr.
Rubin said that determination would be up to the war-crimes tribunal in The
Hague.

Asked about efforts by the acting president of Cyprus to negotiate the
release of three U.S. soldiers who were seized by Serbs along the
Yugoslav-Macedonian border, Mr. Rubin was cautious, saying: ''We have no way
of knowing what the likelihood of the return of these three is.''

Any release, he said, would have to be unconditional.

Western governments were working to ensure that peace feelers from Belgrade
would not split the alliance or undermine the campaign to destroy the
Serbian military capabilities in Kosovo.

This was partly to ensure that they could not be used for future attacks,
partly as a punitive action for the ethnic cleansing against the local
Albanian population.

President Bill Clinton, in a foreign policy speech Wednesday, insisted that
NATO was not considering a let-up in its military pressure.

The president stressed that Mr. Milosevic must withdraw his forces from
Kosovo, allow the refugees to return and permit an international force to
enter the province to keep peace.

''Nothing less'' could lead to a settlement, Mr. Clinton said.

The air attacks reportedly escalated again Tuesday night to more than 400
sorties, and the attacks continued Wednesday at the highest rate yet in
daylight hours, Air Commodore David Wilby said in a briefing at NATO
headquarters in Brussels.

NATO's has scored its ''first major breakthrough against Serbian armored
forces in the field,'' he said, describing a ground attack by allied planes
on a column of 12 tanks.

All of them were apparently hit, and seven were destroyed.

The damage was hard to determine immediately because the attacking pilots
had turned away quickly to avoid ground fire, he said.

But reconnaissance planes and satellites were tracking Serbian armor and
enabling NATO to pursue ''an unremitting campaign with ruthless efficiency''
against Serbian forces, he added.

In this new ground-attack phase, NATO has started using cluster bombs -
canisters that scatter small, armor-piecing explosive charges in a preset
pattern to hamper, destroy or disable vehicles on the move.

These constitute an ideal weapon against Serbian tanks supporting troops or
paramilitary police units in their operations against Kosovar civilians

But these munitions are designed to saturate an area with explosives, not
deliver contained explosions of the sort that NATO has unleashed with
precision-guided missiles used against targets like fuel depots and
buildings.

Devastating against tanks, these ''area munitions'' being used now also
cause damage throughout the vicinity of their targets, increasing the risk
of that civilian casualties that NATO has sought to avoid.

But the alliance seemed more willing to take such chances now, partly
because there are fewer ethnic Albanian civilians in the province and partly
because the other risk involved in ground attacks - anti-aircraft fire - has
also decreased.

An accident involving the heaviest civilian casualties yet was reported
Wednesday when Serbia's state-run news agency, Tanjug, said that 10 people
were killed and eight seriously injured in a NATO missile strike on
Pristina, the Kosovo capital.

It said missiles hit the center of the city, damaging the main post office,
the national bank building, the city council, as well as several other
administration buildings.

There was no comment from NATO, and no independent confirmation of the
report.

Rescue teams were trying to find survivors beneath the rubble and civil
defense squads were hampered in clearing up the debris, Tanjug said, saying
that ''cluster bombs'' were to blame for the degree of destruction.

This claim seemed unlikely to some military experts.

Apparently seeking to prepare opinion for a prolonged air war, Defense
Secretary William Cohen said Wednesday that NATO allies were exhibiting
''greater resolve'' toward continuing air attacks against Yugoslavia.

He made the comments to reporters on a trip to Brussels, where he was taking
members of Congress for NATO briefings.

General Wesley Clark, the NATO military commander, announced that he had
requested more strike aircraft - such as the U.S. F-15 fighter-bombers and
European countries' Tornados and Mirage 2000s - to intensify the air
campaign.

To ''tighten the pressure'' on Yugoslavia, General Clark said, he wanted
more reconnaissance aircraft, which would almost certainly have to come from
the United States because the European allies have already deployed most of
what they have.

The Clinton administration has seemed reluctant to send additional
aircraft - especially those with capabilities like the deadly Apache
ground-attack helicopters - whose mere presence would signal an escalation.

The Apaches were finally approved by Washington after NATO allies backed a
request by General Clark, which had apparently been stalled in Washington.

But no date for their arrival in the war zone was announced. This was
apparently because the United States was unable to find cargo planes to
transport them.

Mr. Milosevic appeared to be trying to put flesh on suggestions he could
deal with a puppet government of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo prepared to
accept a peace deal on his terms.

Belgrade said Tuesday night that all its military and police operations in
the province had ceased.

Western diplomats have been seeking access to Ibrahim Rugova, the moderate
ethnic Albanian leader who has been quoted as calling for a halt in the NATO
attacks.

Some officials say Mr. Rugova might be under Serbian duress.

Beyond the rising stress on war crimes trials for Serbian leaders, revived
by reports of three mass graves in Kosovo, the NATO spokesman, Jamie Shea,
said Wednesday that alliance leaders had put five questions to Mr.
Milosevic:

-

Is he ready to cease all military activity?

-

Is he ready to withdraw troops, police and paramilitary units?

-

Is he ready to accept the deployment of international forces?

-

Will he permit the return of all refugees?

-

Will he accept a political agreement based on the formula arrived at in
negotiations at Rambouillet, France?

These terms - which implicitly include a demand, spelled out in Rambouillet,
for a NATO peacekeeping force in Kosovo - would amount to a major political
defeat for Mr. Milosevic, particularly after the destruction suffered by his
country in its hostilities entailed by his earlier refusal to accept the
same deal for Kosovo.


>From wsws.org

 WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkan Crisis

Political motives behind the bombing of Serb civilians
By the Editorial Board
8 April 1999
American and NATO officials responded with perfunctory statements of regret
to Tuesday's bombing of the southern Serb town of Aleksinac. They declared
the killing of civilians to be an unintentional, but "inevitable" byproduct
of the air war against Yugoslavia.

A serious analysis of the war policies of the NATO powers, and especially
the United States, demonstrates that no credibility can be given to such
disavowals. Rather it leads to the conclusion that the targeting of Serb
civilians is a calculated measure driven by definite political
considerations.

Washington is deliberately targeting civilian centers in an attempt to
terrorize and intimidate the Serb population. It is using its vast arsenal
of hi-tech weapons to create widespread misery and suffering, hoping thereby
to sow demoralization and undermine support for the regime of Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic.

It cannot be seriously maintained that any significant military or strategic
targets exist in the vicinity of Aleksinac, a poor mining town some 200
kilometers south of Belgrade. NATO officials claimed that bombs dropped by
US jets "fell short" of the intended targets, which they did not name.

But the only structure that could remotely be considered of military value
is an old, dilapidated army barracks that is nearly a mile from the town
center and was already abandoned and partially destroyed. Elderly residents
traumatized and outraged by the bombing that shattered the center of the
town, killing 12 and injuring dozens more, recalled that even the German
Wehrmacht spared the local population when it made its blitzkrieg assault on
Yugoslavia in 1941.

Moreover the attack on Aleksinac was followed a day later by a missile
strike on the center of Pristina, the capital of Kosovo. At least 20
missiles fell on the center of the city, destroying the post office, the
welfare center and numerous houses. At least 10 residents were killed.
According to earlier statements of American and NATO officials, the city,
which has a large concentration of Serb inhabitants, had previously been
purged of its ethnic Albanian population.

These air strikes on civilians are consistent with the general pattern of
US-NATO bombing, which has increasingly targeted non-military facilities in
major cities and towns, such as bridges, oil refineries and depots,
industrial facilities and television broadcast centers. The response of
Washington and its NATO allies to Belgrade's announcement of a unilateral
cease-fire has been to intensify the air war. Typical were the remarks of a
top French general, who predicted NATO would carry out "massive strikes" in
coming days "greater than anything done so far."

The escalation of the air offensive, and its concentration on facilities
crucial to the basic social and economic infrastructure of the country, take
place within a definite military and political context. The atmosphere of
crisis and dissension within NATO and within the American political and
military establishment, which emerged in the first days of the air war, has
intensified. It is common knowledge that the Clinton administration made a
series of staggering miscalculations about the response of Yugoslav
President Milosevic first to the threat of air strikes, and then to the
actual launch of military action.

The Washington Post on Wednesday carried an article entitled "Albright
Misjudged Milosevic on Kosovo," which outlined the central role of US
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright in pushing for military action against
the Serbs. The author, Thomas W. Lippman, hinted at the atmosphere of
bitterness and recrimination among US and European policymakers, noting that
the American State Department has been at pains to "dispute the notion that
Kosovo is 'Albright's war.'"

The Post reports that Albright has for months been insisting that the
Yugoslav regime would cave in to US demands, including a NATO occupation
force in Kosovo, if not under the threat of NATO attack, then within a few
hours of the onset of military action. She never seriously considered the
possibility that Milosevic would respond with a general offensive against
the Kosovar Albanians and the separatist guerrilla movement, the Kosovo
Liberation Army (KLA).

As a result Washington and NATO were unprepared for the Serb offensive,
which has apparently shattered the KLA forces in Kosovo, upon whom the
Americans have come to rely in pursuing their strategy for asserting US
domination of the Balkans.

The Post article followed a series of press reports of serious reservations
by the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the CIA to the policy being pursued by
the Clinton administration. In advance of the air strikes, warnings
reportedly came from both quarters that bombing the Serbs could end up
strengthening the position of Milosevic in Kosovo and creating a massive
refugee crisis. Now that these warnings have been borne out, the military
brass and the CIA are eager to relieve themselves of political
responsibility and place the onus for a potential debacle squarely on
Albright and Clinton.

Another major miscalculation, and undoubtedly a further source of internal
contention, concerns the response of the Serb population to the bombing. Far
from heightening discontent with Milosevic--which was widespread before the
onset of the war--the US-NATO attack has produced the opposite result.
Ordinary Serbs have overwhelmingly put aside their opposition to Milosevic
and focused their outrage against the warmongers in Washington and Europe.

There is a direct connection between the growing political crisis facing the
Clinton administration and the increasing barbarity of its war policy. The
expansion of the air war, including the targeting of urban centers and
civilians, and the initial steps toward introducing groups troops, are to a
significant extent the product of the administration's growing
desperation--which leads it to adopt even more reckless and brutal measures.

There should be no doubt--the leaders of American imperialism are pursuing a
policy whose logical outcome is the utter destruction of Yugoslavia: the
decimation of its industrial, commercial and social infrastructure, and the
devastation of its people. In the name of "human rights," Washington is
creating a human disaster of incalculable proportions.

See Also:
United States uses, and abuses, Kosovar refugees
[8 April 1999]
Where is the outrage?
NATO bombs Serbian town
[7 April 1999]
The United States and the war in the Balkans: On the road to catastrophe
[6 April 1999]
US attitude toward "ethnic cleansing" depends on who's doing it
[3 April 1999]
Behind and beyond the propaganda: Why is the US bombing Serbia?
[2 April 1999]



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Readers: The WSWS invites your comments. Please send e-mail.


 WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkan Crisis

United States uses, and abuses, Kosovar refugees
By Martin McLaughlin
8 April 1999
The scenes of tens of thousands of Kosovar refugees, driven from their homes
by Serbian troops and police, deprived of all possessions except the clothes
on their backs, have been broadcast throughout the world, evoking widespread
sympathy for their plight.

By focusing television cameras on the refugees' distress, the US and NATO
have sought to shift public opinion in favor of the bombing campaign against
Yugoslavia. According to polls published this week in the United States,
Britain and France, this media campaign has had an effect, at least
temporarily boosting support for both the bombing and for the introduction
of ground troops, a major escalation of the imperialist assault on
Yugoslavia.

The enormous flood of refugees is being exploited for another purpose as
well--rebuilding the Kosovo Liberation Army, the US-backed guerrilla force
which was largely broken in the Serb military offensive of the past two
weeks. KLA officials are reportedly recruiting heavily from among the
Kosovar refugees in Albania, aided by the fact that KLA guerrillas, not
Albanian government troops, man most of the guard posts along the border
between Albania and Kosovo.

US arms shipments to the KLA have been sharply accelerated, and the Pentagon
is expected to provide military instruction to the new recruits. According
to a report in the Irish Times Wednesday, a private military training
company set up by retired US officers, Military Personnel Resources
Incorporated (MPRI), is preparing to provide training to the KLA once
Washington gives the green light.

MPRI has a sinister record in the Balkans. Its personnel planned and
directed the Croatian military offensive in 1995 which resulted in the
largest single instance of ethnic cleansing prior to the current events in
Kosovo: the expulsion of more than 200,000 Serbs from the Krajina region of
Croatia, where they had lived for many centuries. The international war
crimes tribunal in the Hague is now considering charges against the Croatian
generals who commanded the Krajina campaign. Their American "advisers" would
be good candidates to join them in the dock.

While the US government regards the refugees as useful for propaganda
purposes and as potential cannon fodder in the war against the Milosevic
government in Yugoslavia, its real indifference to the suffering of the
Kosovar Albanians is demonstrated in Washington's response to the human
catastrophe taking place in Macedonia and Albania.

No aid was in place for the surge of refugees which was to be anticipated as
soon as the international monitors left Kosovo with the start of the US-NATO
bombing campaign. Especially dismal are the conditions in Macedonia, where
the government is openly hostile to the refugees, fearing that they will
settle permanently there and alter the ethnic balance in a country which
already has a 23 percent Albanian minority.

On Tuesday there were terrible scenes in Macedonian camps where hundreds of
unwilling Albanian refugees were herded onto buses and then cargo jets where
they were shipped, like so much baggage, to Turkey. Macedonian police used
batons and rifle butts to coerce the refugees into embarking on a journey
whose destination they did not know. In one case they warned reporters not
to tell the Albanians that they were being sent to Turkey, hundreds of miles
from their homeland.

Even more barbaric is the proposal to ship as many as 40,000 refugees to
various parts of northern Europe and to Guantanamo Bay, the US naval base in
Cuba. These Kosovars are being removed thousands of miles from their
homeland, not for humanitarian purposes, but as part of a diplomatic
arrangement between the imperialist powers and Macedonia. The authorities in
Skopje have made it clear that their continued collaboration with the NATO
onslaught on Serbia is conditioned on keeping down the number of Albanian
refugees on their territory.

In Europe, the Kosovar deportees will be dispersed as far as Norway and
Scotland--the southern European countries closer to Kosovo, like France and
Italy, have refused to take any refugees. Even more repugnant is the airlift
set to begin soon from Macedonia to Guantanamo Bay. Refugees shivering from
the spring snowfall in the Kosovo mountains will be packed into jetliners
and flown directly to a tropical destination where the temperature is
regularly above 90 degrees Fahrenheit and tents bake in the sun on the
tarmac of a converted airfield.

Guantanamo Bay was previously a prison camp for tens of thousands of Cuban
refugees, and before that for as many as 21,000 Haitians intercepted in the
Atlantic by the US Navy as they attempted to reach Florida or the Bahamas in
tiny fishing boats. The living conditions and crowding were so bad that
riots broke out on several occasions. When the Haitians were detained there,
US officials cynically commented that their purpose was to keep them alive,
but not to make conditions better than those prevailing in Haiti, for fear
of attracting more boat people.

A Pentagon spokesman described the virtues of Guantanamo as a refugee camp,
telling USA Today, "It's all set up. It's a cordoned-off area. It's easy to
control. It's easy to supply. And nobody will be freezing there." Nobody
will be escaping either. On one side is the Caribbean Sea, on the other, a
military perimeter across which US and Cuban forces face each other, one of
the most heavily-mined borders in the world.

The main reason for choosing Guantanamo as the dumping ground for the US
share of Kosovo refugees is that it prevents the Kosovars from entering the
continental United States where they might make contact with relatives and
immigration lawyers and assert their rights as political refugees fleeing
repression. According to a spokesman for the Immigration and Naturalization
Service in Washington, the Kosovars at Guantanamo will not be allowed to
meet with INS agents or attorneys and will not be permitted to apply for
political status or US residency.

The US government is prepared to rain bombs and missiles indefinitely on
Serbia and move ground troops into position for an assault, all in the name
of defending "human rights" in Kosovo. But not a single Kosovar can be
permitted to exercise those rights within the boundaries of the United
States.

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