-Caveat Lector-
http://www.thenewamerican.com/tna/2003/01-13-2003/vo19no01_kean.htm
Kean in for Kissinger
by William Norman Grigg
This update to our December 30th cover story will be published in our January 13, 2003
issue.
Henry Kissinger�s abrupt resignation from the 9-11 Commission leaves the cover-up in
the
hands of an Establishment second-stringer.
Too transparent? "Only by exhuming and reanimating Earl Warren could President Bush
have made his intentions clearer," THE NEW AMERICAN opined in our December 30th cover
story on Henry Kissinger ("Kissinger: Cover-up King"). "Warren�s stewardship over the
notorious independent commission to investigate the JFK assassination," we noted, "made
his name forever synonymous with �cover-up.�" Was Kissinger�s appointment a bit too
obvious? His resignation in the face of mounting criticism, particularly from family
members
of 9-11 victims, suggests that this very well could have been the case.
Forced to choose between cementing the 9-11 cover-up, and continuing the cover-up of
his
corrupt dealings as an international power broker, Henry Kissinger favored the latter.
On
Friday, December 13th, Kissinger informed the White House of his resignation as head of
the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks. The ruling Establishment has a deep
bench,
however. On the following Monday President Bush announced the appointment of former
New Jersey Governor Thomas Kean, who, like Kissinger, is a member in good standing of
the Council on Foreign Relations.
Just one day before his unexpected resignation, Kissinger had met with relatives of
9-11
victims to discuss potential conflicts of interest arising from his international
consulting firm,
Kissinger Associates (KA). As previously reported in these pages (see "Kissinger:
Cover-up
King" in our December 30th issue), Kissinger created his consulting firm during the
mid-
1980s in collaboration with Brent Scowcroft and Lawrence Eagleburger. The firm gives
secret high-level briefings to an equally secretive list of clients. Essentially a
form of
matchmaking between foreign rulers and private corporate and banking interests, KA
briefing sessions are conducted orally, with nothing committed to paper.
After President Bush announced Kissinger�s appointment, critics from across the
political
spectrum protested that Kissinger�s business contacts with foreign interests created
potential conflicts of interest. Commentators and Democratic politicians demanded that
Kissinger submit financial disclosures detailing any potential conflicts. The
administration,
reflecting its penchant for official secrecy, insisted that because Kissinger was an
uncompensated presidential appointee, he wasn�t required by law to submit a financial
disclosure statement.
However, two reports from the Congressional Research Service concluded that all
commission members would be required to comply with Senate ethics guidelines, including
financial disclosure requirements. This finding prompted former Senator George
Mitchell,
selected by Democratic congressional leaders to serve as commission co- chair, to
resign
from the panel shortly before Kissinger did.
It�s possible that Kissinger � who exists in a cocoon of privilege � simply believed
that he
could bluff his way through the conflict-of-interest issue. After all, that strategy
worked for
his underlings at Kissinger Associates. Lawrence Eagleburger refused to disclose the
firm�s
client list during his 1989 Senate confirmation hearings; Eagleburger went on to serve
as
assistant secretary of state, and then acting secretary of state, during the first Bush
administration. Nor was Brent Scowcroft required to reveal potential KA-related
conflicts
before serving as national security adviser to George Bush (the elder).
Unspecified "Assurances"
During his December 12th meeting with representatives from 9-11 family groups,
Kissinger
offered unspecified "assurances" that his business contacts would not compromise his
role
as chairman of the terrorist commission. According to an AP report, Kissinger "outlined
procedures he was considering for the commission�s 10 members to disclose potential
conflicts of interest." According to Stephen Push, spokesman for the group Families of
September 11th, the proposed guidelines were designed in such a way that Kissinger
would
not be required to release a list of his consulting firm�s clients.
It�s realistic to suspect that Kissinger had hoped to enlist the support of the 9-11
families as
a way of neutralizing his critics, but they proved less than enthusiastic about
Kissinger�s
self-serving proposal. Although Push said that the meeting offered the prospect of "a
good
working relationship" with Kissinger, the families didn�t consider his proposed
disclosure
guidelines to be (in Push�s words) "an alternative to following the law."
Kissinger outlined the essentials of his proposal in his resignation letter to
President Bush,
pointing out that he was willing to submit "all relevant financial information" to the
White
House and yet another "independent" review board. But this arrangement would have left
the matter largely in the hands of the president � who appointed Kissinger � and
Kissinger
himself. Obviously, this would satisfy nobody.
But remember that Henry Kissinger, who introduced the phrase "decent interval" to the
diplomatic lexicon, is a past master at plastering a face-saving veneer over abject
surrender. By floating his untenable proposal, Kissinger was able to cast himself as
the
victim of insatiable, unreasonable critics. "It is clear that, although specific
potential conflicts
can be resolved � the controversy would quickly move to the consulting firm I build and
own," he wrote to President Bush. "I have, therefore, concluded that I cannot accept
the
responsibility you proposed."
Kissinger�s Closet
According to the December 16th Christian Science Monitor, it was the demand for
disclosure by the victims� families, who acted "with the moral clout of 9-11 behind
them �
that proved to be a deal-ender for former Secretary of State Kissinger." Had Kissinger
ignored that demand, it would have been a P.R. disaster for both the commission and the
White House. Had he complied, a graveyard�s worth of skeletons would have tumbled from
his closet, including Kissinger Associates� role in facilitating Saddam Hussein�s arms
build-
up. This in turn would have prompted renewed interest in the role played by the first
President Bush in keeping financial and material aid flowing to Iraq during the late
1980s �
despite Saddam�s gas attacks on Iraq�s Kurdish minority, the lethal 1987 Iraqi attack
on the
U.S.S. Stark, and plentiful evidence of Saddam�s aggressive designs. (See "Building the
Beast of Baghdad" in our October 21, 2002 issue.)
Unearthing the truth: THE NEW AMERICAN described how Washington has built Saddam
Hussein�s war machine as far back as a decade ago and as recently as last fall.
Kissinger
Associates is neck deep in this sordid story. Keeping those facts from the American
people
provided Kissinger with a powerful incentive to step down from the 9-11 Commission when
it became apparent that he would have to disclose his business dealings.
When Kissinger was appointed, critics nationwide exclaimed, "The �fix� is in!"
Congressional
resistance, coupled with concerted action by a small but devoted group of citizens,
resulted
in the fix being pried out. While Thomas Kean isn�t likely to be zealous in his
pursuit of the
truth about Black Tuesday, Kissinger�s unexpected withdrawal illustrates that timely
citizen
activism can still have a positive impact.
.
� Copyright 2002 American Opinion Publishing Incorporated
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