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CounterPunch

December 24, 2002

The Drug War According to Dr. Mengele

Agent Green Over the Andes

by JEFFREY ST. CLAIR

Hostile intentions toward the people of another country. Deployment
of chemical weapons and biological agents. Pursuit of a scorched
earth policy. Sound like Saddam's Iraq? Think again. This neatly
capsulizes the Bush administration's ongoing depredations in
Colombia, all under the shady banner of the war on drugs.

The big difference is that Saddam's hideous use of poison gas
against the Kurds and, most likely, against Iran occurred more than
15 years ago. Since the Gulf War, Saddam's mad pursuits have
been more on the order of chemistry experiments in bombed out
basements. But the Bush administration's toxic war on Colombian
peasants is happening now, day after day, in flippant violation of
international law.

Indeed, as Bush offers pious homilies on Iraq's possible hoarding of
so-called Weapons of Mass Destruction, his administration and its
backers from both parties in congress are poised to unleash a new
wave toxins in the mountains of Colombia, including a dangerous
brew of biological weapons its proponents rather quaintly call
mycoherbicides. Let us call it: Agent Green.

The leading germ war hawk in the congress these days is Rep. Bob
Mica, a Republican from Florida. In mid-December, Mica called on
his pals in the Bush administration to uncork a currently banned
batch of killer fungi and begin a campaign of saturation spraying.
"We have to restore our mycoherbicide," Mica fumed. "Things that
have been studied for too long need to be put into action. We found
that we can not only spray this stuff, but we found that we can also
deactivate it for some period of time-it will do a lot of damage-it will
eradicate some of these crops for a substantial period of time."

Of course, Agent Green also kills everything else it touches. There's
not even a pretense to call these germ bomblets "smart fungi." This
is the drug war as it might be waged by Dr. Mengele. Mica's bracing
call for an unfettered germ war on Colombia should jotted down by
junior legal eagles with dreams of becoming future prosecutors of
war crimes.

But Mica is far from a lone crazed voice. Even the perpetually
conflicted Colin Powell is on record supporting the use of biological
agents as a key part of Plan Colombia. Indeed, Anne Peterson, the
US ambassador to Bogota, testified recently that she believed bio-
weapons had already been deployed in Colombia. Bizarrely, she
later retracted this chilling observation, saying that it had been made
under duress. Ms. Peterson didn't say who had applied the
thumbscrews.

Then there's Rand Beers, one of the few holdovers at the State
Department from Clintontime. It's easy to see why this biowar zealot
appealed to the Bush crowd. Back in the late 90s, Beers was all for
using germ weapons on crops in drug- producing countries. Now, as
Assistant Secretary of State for narcotics, Beers trots across the
globe to various international conferences where he invariably is
forced to defend this toxic footnote to Plan Colombia against critics
who charge that it violates, among other treaties, the Biological
Weapons Convention. Beers often says that the toxic weapons are
needed to fight international crime syndicates. This heady bit of
sophistry is hardly an exemption from the prohibitions, which, it must
be pointed out, the Bush administration doesn't believe in anyway,
even though they are trigger-happy to invoke its provisions against
enemy states, such as Iraq.

So, as in Macbeth, sin plucks on sin.

Agent Green is a genetically engineered pathogenic fungi, conjured
up by the US Department of Agriculture's experiment station in
Beltsville, Maryland. It is now being produced with US funds by
Ag/Bio Company, a private lab in Bozeman, Montana and at a
former Soviet bioweapons factory in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. The labs
are brewing up two types of killer fungi, Fusarium oxysporum (slated
for use against marijuana and coca plants) and Pleospora
papveracea (engineered to destroy opium poppies).

The problem is that both fungi are indiscriminate killers, posing
threats to human health and to non-target species. Add to this the
fact that when sprayed from airplanes and helicopters, Agent Green
will be carried by winds and inevitably drift over coffee plantations,
fields, farms, villages, and water supplies.

Agent Green also threatens the ecology of the Colombian rainforest,
one of the most biologically diverse on the planet. These forests
harbor a greater variety of species per acre than any country's. But
the Colombian forests are already under frightful siege from gold
mining, oil companies, logging outfits and cattle ranching. By one
count, Colombia has already lost more than a third of its primary
forest and continues to lose forest at a rate of 3000 square miles (or
nearly 2 million acres) a year. It's possible that the Agent Green
operation may saturate more than a million acres of Colombian
rainforest, with potentially devastating ecological consequences for
endemic wildlife and plants.

So it's likely that Amazonia could become collateral damage in the
Bushites' bio-war adventurism.

This grim prospect may place the US in squarely in violation of yet
another international treaty with which Bush, the former cocaine
tooter, is charmingly unacquainted: the Convention on the
Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental
Modification Techniques (ENMOD). ENMOD grew out of the
worldwide outrage sparked by the use of Agent Orange and other
environmentally malign potions plastered across Southeast Asian
during the Vietnam war. Adopted by the UN in 1976 and signed by
the US, ENMOD prohibits any signatory nation from using the
environment as a weapon of war, which the spraying of Colombia
constitutes by definition.

The US bio-bomblets can't even be made to stay in Colombia, but,
like the pesticides and fumigants already dropped, will inevitably
stray across the Colombian border into Ecuador and Peru. Both
nations vehemently oppose the US biowar plan and charge that it
violates international law. Specifically, they cite a non-proliferation
section of the Biological Warfare Convention that prohibits the
transfer of germ weapons and technology from one nation to
another. Presumably, the Bush administration now considers
Colombia a wholly owned colony, where even remote Andean
valleys are in the toxic grip of the US empire.

"If Agent Green is used anywhere, it will legitimize agricultural
biowarfare in other contexts," says Edward Hammond, director of
The Sunshine Project, the anti-biowar group that has done excellent
work in exposing the environmental consequences of toxic spraying
in Colombia. "Reasoning in a similar manner as the US, others
might prepare a biological attack on the US tobacco crop, which
poisons millions worldwide, or those opposed to alcohol might target
grapes or hops."

Eradication programs are a foolhardy way of addressing problems
associated with drug consumption. It doesn't work, it oppresses the
weak, and merely plays into the pockets of the drug profiteers, from
the cocaine generals to the drug cartels and the banks who launder
the money.

"In much of rural Colombia, there is simply no way to make a legal
living," says Adam Isacson, of the Center for International Policy.
"Security, roads, credit, and access to markets are all missing. The
most that many rural Colombians see from their government is the
occasional military patrol or spray plane. When the spray planes
come, they take away farmers' illegal way of making a living, but
they do not replace it with anything. That leaves the farmers with
some bad choices. They can move to the cities and try to find a job,
though official unemployment is already 20 percent. They can switch
to legal crops on their own and risk paying more for inputs than they
can get from the sale price. They can move deeper into the
countryside and plant drug crops again. Or they can join the
guerrillas or the paramilitaries, who will at least keep them fed."

Of course, the drug war has little do with the real motives of this
ghastly program. The truth of this can be divined in the numbers.
Billions in US aid and thousands of gallons of chemical pesticides
have been poured on Colombia with little dent in coca production. In
fact, the flow of drugs from Colombia is increasing at a rapid clip.

Back when the Clinton administration was pushing a somewhat
reluctant congress to approve its multi-billion project dubbed Plan
Colombia, none other than Rand Beers swore that the spray and
burn tactics would "eliminate the majority of Colombia's opium
poppy crop within three years." Congress bought Beers' song and
dance, approving $1.3 billion dollars. (As a pre-condition for
receiving the money, Congress required Colombia to begin
operational testing of bioweapons. Bowing to world pressure,
President Clinton waived the requirement.)

In the past five years, nearly a million acres of land in Colombia has
been blitzed by pesticides and fumigants, rendered as sterile as the
fields of Carthage after Scipio Africanus' last cruel visit. But over the
same period production of cocaine in Colombia has more than
tripled. Opium production is also soaring, increasing by more than
60 percent since 2000. Colombia now accounts for more than 30
percent of the heroin consumed in the US.

The reason for this will be obvious to anyone who has read our book
Whiteout: the CIA, Drugs and the Press. War, especially covert
ones, and drugs go hand in hand. Colombia is mired in a three-way
civil war, with each side, guerillas, paramilitaries and the
government troops, funding their operations from proceeds from the
sale of drugs. The bloodier the conflict, the greater the flow of drugs.

But from the beginning Plan Colombia was only ostensibly about
drugs. It was really a way to use the drug war to underwrite the
Colombian military's savage war against the FARC and other rebel
groups and secure US control over Colombian oil, gas and mineral
reserves. The so-called eradication programs have targeted areas
controlled by the FARC, rather than even larger swaths of land held
by paramilitaries, serving as vicious proxy-warriors for the
Colombian government.

According to Rep. Bob Barr, since the implementation of Plan
Colombia at least 22 US helicopters have been shot down by
Colombian rebel groups-a figure the Pentagon coyly refuses to
confirm or deny. However, the State Department confirmed that last
month 3 US planes were struck by groundfire on the same day.

The US presence in the war is being waged under the jurisdictional
banner of the State Department, so often in the past a sign of the
darker presence of the CIA and other covert warriors. In December,
Colin Powell revealed his intention to up the permanent fleet of US
attack helicopters in Colombia to 24. The State Department
informed congress that new pilots were being trained at "a classified
location" in New Mexico.

Now, it appears that the Bush administration has given
Congressman Mica the greenlight to work his dark magic on the
reauthorization of Plan Colombia, where he would insert language
once again requiring the use of Agent Green as condition of the
Colombia government getting its hands on US billions. These days
they don't even go to the bother of trying to hide the strings.

There's plenty of evidence that Colombian government is now totally
under the sway of Washington and will be only too happy to oblige,
even if that means allowing the US to launch biological warfare
attacks on its own peasants.

In a bracing irony, Colombia now presides over the UN Security
Council, which is poised to clobber Iraq for hiding its history of
bioweapon development. Indeed, it was the Colombian delegation
that made the controversial call to hand over an early copy of Iraq's
weapons declaration, which the US generously returned a week
later-minus 8,000 pages.

This scandalous project drones on under the radar of the
mainstream press, ever loath to tackle seriously any topic wrapped
in the holy robes of the drug war. Yet, what it really adds up to is a
form of environmental terrorism. The toxic wasteland and human
suffering left in the wake of these operations is not accidental, not,
to use the fetching term of the economists, a uncomfortable
externality of an otherwise benign project. Instead, it is a calculated
tactic, designed to evoke fear and terror-the carpetbombing of the
drug war.

Don't say the toxic warriors in the Bush administration aren't
bibliophiles. Obviously they've read Silent Spring. Only not as the
stark warning Rachel Carson intended, but as a war plan which they
are now bent on putting into global action.

Jeffrey St. Clair can be reached at:
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Forwarded as information only; everything sent has to stand on
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