-Caveat Lector-

washingtonpost.com
Portion Distortion -- You Don't Know the Half of It

By Shannon Brownlee

Sunday, December 29, 2002; Page B01

It was probably inevitable that one day people would start suing McDonald's
for making them fat. That day came this summer, when New York lawyer Samuel
Hirsch filed several lawsuits against McDonald's, as well as four other
fast-food companies, on the grounds that they had failed to adequately
disclose the bad health effects of their menus. One of the suits involves a
Bronx teenager who tips the scale at 400 pounds and whose mother, in papers
filed in U.S. District Court in Manhattan, said, "I always believed
McDonald's food was healthy for my son."

Uh-huh. And the tooth fairy really put that dollar under his pillow. But
once you've stopped sniggering at our litigious society, remember that it
once seemed equally ludicrous that smokers could successfully sue tobacco
companies for their addiction to cigarettes. And while nobody is claiming
that Big Macs are addictive -- at least not yet -- the restaurant industry
and food packagers have clearly helped give many Americans the roly-poly
shape they have today. This is not to say that the folks in the food
industry want us to be fat. But make no mistake: When they do well
economically, we gain weight.

It wasn't always thus. Readers of a certain age can remember a time when a
trip to McDonald's seemed like a treat and when a small bag of French
fries, a plain burger and a 12-ounce Coke seemed like a full meal. Fast
food wasn't any healthier back then; we simply ate a lot less of it.

How did today's oversized appetites become the norm? It didn't happen by
accident or some inevitable evolutionary process. It was to a large degree
the result of consumer manipulation. Fast food's marketing strategies,
which make perfect sense from a business perspective, succeed only when
they induce a substantial number of us to overeat. To see how this all came
about, let's go back to 1983, when John Martin became CEO of the ailing
Taco Bell franchise and met a young marketing whiz named Elliott Bloom.

Using so-called "smart research," a then-new kind of in-depth consumer
survey, Bloom had figured out that fast-food franchises were sustained
largely by a core group of "heavy users," mostly young, single males, who
ate at such restaurants as often as 20 times a month. In fact, 30 percent
of Taco Bell's customers accounted for 70 percent of its sales. Through his
surveys, Bloom learned what might seem obvious now but wasn't at all clear
20 years ago -- these guys ate at fast-food joints because they had
absolutely no interest in cooking for themselves and didn't give a rip
about the nutritional quality of the food. They didn't even care much about
the taste. All that mattered was that it was fast and cheap. Martin figured
Taco Bell could capture a bigger share of these hard-core customers by
streamlining the food production and pricing main menu items at 49, 59 and
69 cents -- well below its competitors.

It worked. Taco Bell saw a dramatic increase in patrons, with no drop in
revenue per customer. As Martin told Greg Critser, author of "Fat Land: How
Americans Became the Fattest People in the World," when Taco Bell ran a
test of its new pricing in Texas, "within seven days of initiating the
test, the average check was right back to where it was before -- it was
just four instead of three items." In other words, cheap food induced
people to eat more. Taco Bell's rising sales figures -- up 14 percent by
1989 and 12 percent more the next year -- forced other fast-food franchises
to wake up and smell the burritos. By the late '80s, everybody from Burger
King to Wendy's was cutting prices and seeing an increase in customers --
including bargain-seeking Americans who weren't part of that original
hard-core group.

If the marketing strategy had stopped there, we might not be the nation of
fatties that we are today. But the imperatives of the marketplace are
growth and rising profits, and once everybody had slashed prices to the
bone, the franchises had to look for a new way to satisfy investors.

And what they found was . . . super-sizing.

Portion sizes had already been creeping upward. As early as 1972, for
example, McDonald's introduced its large-size fries (large being a relative
term, since at 3.5 ounces the '72 "large" was smaller than a medium serving
today). But McDonald's increased portions only reluctantly, because the
company's founder, Ray Kroc, didn't like the image of lowbrow, cheap food.
If people wanted more French fries, he would say, "they can buy two bags."
But price competition had grown so fierce that the only way to keep profits
up was to offer bigger and bigger portions. By 1988, McDonald's had
introduced a 32-ounce "super size" soda and "super size" fries.

The deal with all these enhanced portions is that the customer gets a lot
more food for a relatively small increase in price. So just how does that
translate into bigger profits? Because the actual food in a fast-food meal
is incredibly cheap. For every dollar a quick-service franchiser spends to
produce a food item, only 20 cents, on average, goes toward food. The rest
is eaten up by expenses such as salaries, packaging, electric bills,
insurance and, of course, the ubiquitous advertising that got you in the
door or to the drive-through lane in the first place.

Here's how it works. Let's say a $1.25 bag of French fries costs $1 to
produce. The potatoes, oil and salt account for only 20 cents of the cost.
The other 80 cents goes toward all the other expenses. If you add half
again as many French fries to the bag and sell it for $1.50, the non-food
expenses stay pretty much constant, while the extra food costs the
franchise only 10 more pennies. The fast-food joint makes an extra 15 cents
in pure profit, and the customer thinks he's getting a good deal. And he
would be, if he actually needed the extra food, which he doesn't because
the nation is awash in excess calories.

That 20 percent rule, by the way, applies to all food products, whether
it's a bag of potato chips, the 2,178-calorie mountain of fried seafood at
Red Lobster or the 710-calorie slab of dessert at the Cheesecake Factory.
Some foods are even less expensive to make. The flakes of your kid's
breakfast cereal, for example, account for only 5 percent of the total
amount Nabisco or General Mills spent to make and sell them. Soda costs
less to produce than any drink except tap water (which nobody seems to
drink anymore), thanks to a 1970s invention that cut the expense of making
high-fructose corn syrup. There used to be real sugar in Coke; when
Coca-Cola and other bottlers switched to high-fructose corn syrup in 1984,
they slashed sweetener costs by 20 percent. That's why 7-Eleven can sell
the 64-ounce Double Gulp -- half a gallon of soda and nearly 600
calories -- for only 37 cents more than the 16-ounce, 89-cent regular Gulp.
You'd feel ripped off if you bought the smaller size. Who wouldn't?

The final step in the fattening of America was the "upsell," a stroke of
genius whose origins are buried somewhere in the annals of marketing.
You're already at the counter, you've ordered a cheeseburger value meal for
$3.74, and your server says, "Would you like to super-size that for only
$4.47?" Such a deal. The chain extracts an extra 73 cents from the
customer, and the customer gets an extra 400 calories -- bringing the total
calorie count to 1,550, more than half the recommended intake for an adult
man for an entire day.

When confronted with their contribution to America's expanding waistline,
restaurateurs and food packagers reply that eating less is a matter of
individual responsibility. But that's not how the human stomach works. If
you put more food in front of people, they eat more, as studies have
consistently shown over the last decade. My personal favorite: The
researcher gave moviegoers either a half-gallon or a gallon bucket of
popcorn before the show (it was "Payback," with Mel Gibson) and then
measured how much they ate when they returned what was left in the
containers afterward. Nobody could polish off the entire thing, but
subjects ate 44 percent more when given the bigger bucket.

The downside, of course, is that 20 years of Big Food has trained us to
think that oceanic drinks and gargantuan portions are normal. Indeed, once
fast food discovered that big meals meant big profits, everybody from
Heineken to Olive Garden to Frito Lay followed suit. Today, says Lisa
Young, a nutritionist at New York University, super-sizing has pervaded
every segment of the food industry. For her PhD, Young documented the
changes in portion sizes for dozens of foods over the past several decades.
M&M/Mars, for example, has increased the size of candy bars such as Milky
Way and Snickers four times since 1970. Starbucks introduced the 20-ounce
"venti" size in 1999 and discontinued its "short" 8-ounce cup. When
22-ounce Heinekens were introduced, Young reported, the company sold 24
million of them the first year, and attributed the sales to the "big-bottle
gimmick." Even Lean Cuisine and Weight Watchers now advertise "Hearty
Portions" of their diet meals. Everything from plates and muffin tins to
restaurant chairs and the cut of our Levi's has expanded to match our
growing appetites, and the wonder of it all is not that 60 percent of
Americans are overweight or obese, but rather that 40 percent of us are
not.

Where does it end? Marketers and restaurateurs may scoff at lawsuits like
the ones brought this summer against fast-food companies, and they have a
point: Adults are ultimately responsible for what they put in their own
mouths. But maybe there's hope for us yet, because it looks as if fast-food
companies have marketed themselves into a corner. "Omnipresence" -- the
McDonald's strategy of beating out competitors by opening new stores,
sometimes as many as 1,000 a year -- "has proved costly and
self-cannibalizing," says author Critser. With 13,000 McDonald's units
alone, most of America is so saturated with fast food there's practically
no place left to put a drive-through lane. Now, fast-food companies are
killing each other in a new price war they can't possibly sustain, and
McDonald's just suffered its first quarterly loss since the company went
public 47 years ago.

The obvious direction to go is down, toward what nutritional policymakers
are calling "smart-sizing." Or at least it should be obvious, if food
purveyors cared as much about helping Americans slim down as they would
have us believe. Instead of urging Americans to "Get Active, Stay
Active" -- Pepsi Cola's new criticism-deflecting slogan -- how about
bringing back the 6.5-ounce sodas of the '40s and '50s? Or, imagine, as
Critser does, the day when McDonald's advertises Le Petit Mac, made with
high-grade beef, a delicious whole-grain bun and hawked by, say, Serena
Williams. One way or another, as Americans wake up to the fact that obesity
is killing nearly as many citizens as cigarettes are, jumbo burgers and
super-size fries will seem like less of a bargain.


Shannon Brownlee is a senior fellow at the New America Foundation.



� 2002 The Washington Post Company

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