-Caveat Lector-

from:
<A HREF="http://www.time.com/time/personoftheyear/2002/poyrelationship.html";>
TIME 2002 Partnership of the Year: George W. ...</A>
Click Here: <A
HREF="http://www.time.com/time/personoftheyear/2002/poyrelationship.html";>
TIME 2002 Partnership of the Year: George W. ...</A>
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STEVE LISS FOR TIME
THE PARTNERS: Bush and Cheney at an economic forum last August in Waco, Texas
Double-Edged Sword
Why George W. Bush and Dick Cheney are a formidable team

By Nancy Gibbs


Posted Sunday, December 22, 2002; 4:31 a.m. EST
This war has two faces, one a promise, one a growl. One says we will defend
liberty wherever it lives, plant our values where they have never grown. The
other says if you challenge us or threaten us or even just invade our sense
of security, you will have started a fight that you will certainly lose.
Wartime leadership requires a dual message. It has been President Bush's role
from the earliest days to handle our hopes, reacquaint us with our resilience
and remind our allies of our resolve. It has fallen to Vice President Cheney,
a nighthawk with a darker imagination, to focus our fears. The risks of
inaction outweigh the risks of action, he warned this summer, because we face
an enemy that will never relent and never recede until it is destroyed.

With that posture—leaning forward, fists clenched—the Bush Administration
has promised to set aside a longtime tradition of restraint in waging war,
because the danger demands no less. Its members believe that the enemy is
mobile and can't be deterred, the targets are soft and can't be protected,
and the old rules of battle no longer apply. The war on terror is a war of
annihilation, and the President's every instinct tells him that however
divided America may be over policy or priorities, this is the only fight that
matters.

The American public, awakened to danger but wary of responses that could be
more dangerous still, finds itself this winter at war's door, and holding the
key are a President and Vice President who together wield a kind of power
that is more than the sum of its parts. Like any other partnership, whether
of business or brotherhood, Bush and Cheney's is more complicated than it
looks. What is beyond dispute is that two men of very different skills,
instincts and histories found in each other the counterpart who could take
them places they couldn't go alone, at a time when the American journey
turned suddenly perilous. Together they are leading us along a rough road
with sharp curves, and while we may argue about where we're heading, we have
no choice but to follow, because a nation fights as one.

To understand this year, it helps to understand their union, including the
mysteries of how it works and what it means. Most running mates, chosen to
help the presidential candidate win, find that once they are elected their
job is done. Presidents come into office and quickly find an unpleasant and
unsolvable chore—trade policy, deregulation, the war on drugs—to keep their
sidekicks busy, out of sight and out of trouble. It was always the office
where ambition goes to die, unless the President does so first.

Had Sept. 11 never happened, there is no telling what kind of presidency Bush
would have had or what kind of deputy he would have needed. But in the
national crisis, when all the bright lights came up on the White House stage,
there was a chance to rewrite the rules, rewire the whole Executive Branch.
Bush had the zeal to make the war on terrorism his mission; Cheney provided
the theology. "With Bush, it's all gut; it's visceral," a White House
official says. "He hates Saddam. He's an evil guy who tried to assassinate
his dad, and he's gonna get him. With Cheney, it's all logical and deliberate
and thought through. He knows the issues, he's studied them, and he really
believes—he's convinced by the facts—that Saddam poses an unacceptable
threat to the United States."

WINDS OF WAR
In the days that followed 9/11, Bush found his voice and rallied the country,
while Cheney was whisked off to his "undisclosed location." It was the
ultimate testimonial: most Vice Presidents disappear from view because they
don't matter; Cheney had to disappear because he does. He quickly emerged as
first among equals in the war cabinet, which was all the more striking given
who the equals are. Colin Powell is the untouchable star, both at home and
abroad; his job-approval rating, which hovers around 85%, is typically 20
points higher than Bush's good marks, which means he is both a partner in
this Administration and a potential rival. Defense chief Donald Rumsfeld used
his Pentagon briefings to turn up his star wattage and in private meetings is
the fire breather; he runs much hotter about the dangers of Saddam Hussein
than anyone else. As National Security Adviser, Condoleezza Rice has the
advantage of a sweet spot in Bush's comfort zone; she is the one spending
weekends with the family at Camp David or quietly arbitrating among warring
factions at State and Defense.

Cheney's force is gravitational; his relationship with Bush is so close and
so big that he is the fixed weight who pulls policy in his direction. He can
just sit there in meetings, camped inside his sidewinder smile and cocking
his head as if he's listening to music no one else hears. He saves his advice
for a circle that no one else can enter. "He doesn't tell Bush what to
think," says a White House adviser and Cheney friend. "It's a process. He
lays it out. He guides Bush's thinking to a conclusion. But he knows the
conclusion going in." Much as the U.S. keeps pulling the rest of the world
toward a tougher line on Saddam, so Cheney keeps pulling within the White
House. Bush uses Cheney to play that role publicly as well—most remarkably
back in August, when Cheney's very tough speech about the threat posed by
Iraq helped convince U.N. members that Bush was serious about going after
Saddam, alone if necessary. "They wouldn't have known how serious we were,"
says a Cheney adviser of the outcome at the U.N., "if Dick Cheney hadn't been
sitting there in a loincloth with a knife in his mouth."

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