-Caveat Lector-

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Der Fuhrer Invades Yugoslavia

"Collateral Damage" Lights the Fires of Rage

Clinton bombs the children

BELGRADE - Early Tuesday morning, Dragana Krstic was recovering an
operation to remove a tumor from her stomach when there was a deafening
explosion outside Belgrade's largest military hospital.
The blast shattered numerous windows, sending a shower of glass and
metal over the 23-year-old shopkeeper, wounding her in the shoulder.

Eight hours later, a shaken Miss Krstic was denouncing NATO leaders as
''fascists, imbeciles, and vandals,'' in interviews with Western
journalists taken to the scene by the Yugoslav Army.

Belgrade had added another civilian casualty story in the propaganda war
with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and ordinary Serbs had been
strengthened in their belief that they - not the government of President


Slobodan Milosevic - are the real victims of the three-week-old bombing
campaign against their country.

Compared with other ''mistakes'' by NATO missiles and warplanes,
including a missile attack Monday on a train in southern Serbia, the
latest spate of civilian injuries was relatively minor.

According to doctors at the military clinic in the Belgrade suburb of
Banica, at least 16 hospital patients were wounded as a result of the
bombing of a military transport depot roughly 100 yards away. Most of
the wounds were caused by flying glass.

The cumulative result of all this ''collateral damage,'' however, has
been to fan popular anger here against the United States and other
Western countries and make ordinary Serbs more determined than ever to
hang on to Kosovo.

In the words of a Belgrade taxi driver, ''since our country has already
been destroyed, we have less to lose now and less reason to give in to
NATO demands than we had three weeks ago.''

The military hospital director, General Aca Jovanovic, compared the
latest bomb attacks to the ''ravages of Genghis Khan'' and speculated
that his facility had been directly targeted by NATO. He said no
military purpose was served in hitting the transport depot because it
was empty at the time of the attack.

The military hospital suffered minor damage 10 days earlier in a bomb
attack on a nearby police academy, but no one was injured on that
occasion.

After a brief respite over the Orthodox Easter, NATO appears to be
targeting the capital once more. On Monday night, some residents
applauded as anti-aircraft units fired on NATO planes.

People with young families tend to take refuge in the air-raid shelters.


At one such shelter Monday night, on March 27 Street in the center of
Belgrade, volunteers were distributing finger puppets to children who
appeared to be growing ever more accustomed to the communal, underground
life. For the most part, the children seemed satisfied with the simple
explanations given to them by their parents for the need to seek shelter
underground.

''We come here because we hear the sirens,'' said 4-year-old Milena, as
she prepared to go to bed on one on of dozens of mattresses scattered
across the concrete floor.

Piped up Sasha, 5: ''It was frightening the first time we heard the
sirens. But now I am not afraid any more. I go to the window and shout,
'Go away!'''

''I like it down here. There are lots of toys down here,'' said
4-year-old Dejan, clutching a Charlie Brown book in one hand and a pink
finger puppet in the other.

He went to bed wearing a T-shirt with the bull's-eye target sign that
has become a symbol of Serb resistance to the bombing.

Asked who was bombing them, the children replied in a chorus, ''America,
Clinton.''

Dejan's mother, the ski instructor Katerina Radusinovic, said she had
told her son there were some ''bad people'' in the world who wanted to
drop bombs on Yugoslavia.

A few days ago, Dejan asked her what a bomb was, and she showed him a
newspaper photograph of an American Tomahawk missile.

City officials estimate that between 20 percent and 30 percent of
residents have been using the underground shelters.

''Discipline has been gradually breaking down,'' said Milan Bozic,
deputy mayor of Belgrade, ''Because missiles can be fired at us from
hundreds of miles away, we have very long air-raid alerts, at least 12
hours at a time. It's difficult to keep people underground for that
length of time.''

International Herald Tribune, April 14, 1999


Der Fuhrer Invades Yugoslavia

Escalation of Air War Shows Its Flaws

I am Clinton. Hear me roar.

PARIS - NATO's announcement of major reinforcements, confronting Serbia
with a U.S.-led air armada of more than 1,000 warplanes, underscored
signs Tuesday that the alliance's initial battle plan had failed to
deliver the expected results and needed an urgent escalation in
firepower to offer a realistic prospect of military victory in Kosovo.
''Our high technology weapons' performance would be devastating against
a sophisticated adversary fighting our kind of war,'' a North Atlantic
Treaty Organization commander acknowledged privately, ''but they work
much less well in a politically constrained campaign against Serbians
who are skillfully using nearly obsolescent weapons to fight in ways we
had almost forgotten about.''

Serbian forces, for example, have resorted to firing their
surface-to-air missiles using radar mounted on each battery. That method
reduces the effectiveness of the missiles in comparison to modern
systems integrating individual batteries with remote radars that provide
more time for aiming and firing. But missile crews operating
independently only turn on their radars briefly, making it harder for
warplanes to home in for the kill using anti-radar missiles.

Even with sharply reduced capabilities, the surviving missiles pose a
potent threat to low-flying warplanes, dissuading NATO from ordering
ground-attack fighters to pursue low-level attacks to kill tanks.

Serbia, meanwhile, also has broken up its armored units so that tanks
operate alone or in pairs, reducing their exposure as targets.

Senior officials in Washington said Monday that the Pentagon planned to
approve the deployment of 300 additional warplanes. The added planes,
which were requested by General Wesley Clark, NATO's top military
commander, would increase the number of U.S. and NATO aircraft committed
to the campaign to nearly 1,000, more than double the number - 430 -
that the alliance had on hand when it began the strikes on March 24.

The White House spokesman said Tuesday that Defense Secretary William
Cohen might ask President Bill Clinton for authority to call up some
military reserve forces. The spokesman, Joe Lockhart gave no figures and
did not outline what the reservists would be doing.

In miscalculating the impact of air strikes and underestimating Serbian
abilities to elude a knockout blow and exploit Western blind spots, the
initial NATO battle plan has created an uncomfortably exposed position
for the Clinton administration and European governments. The lack of
visible progress in the war has triggered calls for ground forces from
hawks and threatens to fuel pressure from European moderates for
political accommodation over Kosovo.

A fundamental mistake in the Western approach, an increasing number of
experts say, was the decision by President Bill Clinton and the other
NATO leaders to announce at the outset that they would not use ground
forces. That assured Slobodan Milosevic, the Yugoslav leader, that he
would have time for a sweeping ethnic cleansing of Kosovo - on a scale
that Western capitals say they never suspected possible.

''Once Milosevic heard that he was not going to face Western troops,'' a
British official said this weekend, ''it would have been natural for men
with the mentality of his commanders to decide that they could take more
punishment than the West was ready to dish out.''

Militarily, the decision meant that NATO lost the advantage that even
the threat of a combination of air and land forces would have provided.
As a French official said, ''Your armor and other forces on the ground
pose a threat obliging the adversary to operate in strength, which
exposes him to air attack.''

But Serbian forces remain masters of the terrain in Kosovo. General
Clark said Tuesday that some units were regrouping and others were
digging bunkers to conceal their tanks and artillery, apparently hoping
to ride out the air war and deter any NATO ground incursion with the
threat of sharp resistance.

''Militarily and psychologically, Milosevic has made some gains, and
NATO may not be able to turn the tables in time unless we can start
operating more smartly,'' a U.S. planner said this weekend. Sympathetic
to the political leaders' view that it would have been risky to order
infantry into combat from the outset, he noted that NATO could have
ordered crack units into position in the Adriatic.

That, he said, ''would have limited Milosevic's sense of his own
impunity and room for maneuver - and meant that they were right there if
and when we needed them.'' Such an approach seems to have been adopted
this week as the strength of ground forces in the area has started to
climb.

The Apache helicopters heading for Albania are now said to need 4,800
U.S. soldiers - more than double the 2,000-strong contingent announced
last week. In London, Prime Minister Tony Blair, while assuring
Parliament that NATO had no advance inkling of Mr. Milosevic's plan to
uproot most of Kosovo's population, announced Tuesday hat he was
ordering an additional 1,800 British troops into the region.

General Clark said Tuesday that he was sticking to an air war to destroy
Serbian forces until Mr. Milosevic cedes politically, but his comments
at a NATO briefing, also disclosed new tactics reflecting the lessons
learned in the frustrating first three weeks of the campaign.

Reinforced by the 300 U.S. warplanes promised late Monday by the
Pentagon, NATO plans to concentrate on ''improving and refining our
intelligence'' - meaning that NATO hopes to be able to shorten the time
between allied spy flights to locate Serbian targets and attacks on the
targets by aircraft.

Among the 300 extra U.S. warplanes, a large proportion were said to be
tankers - enabling more allied aircraft to stay over Serbia day and
night.

''We'll sit up there and plink them,'' a U.S. officer said, implying
that the alliance planners expected to be able to pursue the air war for
weeks without exposing allied pilots to unacceptable risks involved in
low-level attacks.

This war of attrition, so different from earlier hopes for an
overwhelming initial shock, will benefit from better flying weather,
General Clark said.

NATO aides have played up the weather as a factor in their adverse
fortunes of war, but they have not said publicly, as officials disclosed
privately, that the alliance started the offensive with a battle plan
designed for a summer offensive last year and taken off the shelf
without extensive rethinking when NATO started its war on March 24 -
when bad weather was a statistical probability.

General Clark claimed Tuesday that better bombing weather was on the
way, justifying his confidence by citing seasonal weather patterns in
Kosovo. He said that NATO was close to achieving the goal of starving
Serbian forces of fuel, saying that air strikes had destroyed more than
two-thirds of Serbia's facilities for refining, stocking and supplying
oil.

Defense Secretary Cohen said Sunday that the air war had achieved
''tactical maneuverability,'' meaning that NATO attack planes can
operate anywhere they choose provided they are accompanied by electronic
aircraft that can jam missile batteries and prevent them from aiming.

But for two weeks the Pentagon has not changed its assessment of Serbian
air defenses: ''degraded but functional.'' Even if they cannot function
as an integrated system, ''the missiles are still there,'' according to
an official with access to classified reports.

NATO planes encountered stronger Serbian air defense activity Tuesday
than on any recent occasion in the campaign, officials said.

NATO's hopes of gradually gaining unchallenged control of Serbian skies
will brighten as the cloud ceiling lifts, allowing pilots to get visual
confirmation of military targets before firing from a safe distance. Bad
weather meant that NATO warplanes only operated fully on about
two-thirds of the 21 nights in the campaign, officials said. A
laser-guided missile hit a passenger train in Serbia by mistake Monday,
apparently because the pilot fired from far away and only saw the bridge
through his guidance system - which revealed the train only when the
missile was too close.

International Herald Tribune, April 14, 1999


Der Fuhrer Invades Yugoslavia

Revision, Recycle, and Reality--Clinton Style

by Joyce Mucci

As bombs whistled over the head of Milosevic President Clinton, in his
classic sober tone, asserted that Kosovo is, ". . .a powder keg at the
heart of Europe" and that his justification for intervention is "to
prevent a wider war". We are asked to believe that without our military
power war is eminent. What he didn't tell you, and what he was hoping
you wouldn't remember, is that he used the same speech in 1995. Back
then the issue on the plate was Bosnia. He asserted then that Bosnia
lies "at the heart of Europe." That any failure on our part could
ignite, "the kind of conflict that has drawn Americans into two European
wars in this century." Which is it Mr. President, Bosnia or Kosovo that
threatens the world?
There is something more going on here.

Let's start with the obvious. President Clinton believes the American
people are brainless and half-witted. By using revisionist history,
metaphor, and a recycled speech where the only distinction is the real
estate under discussion, we are asked to deliver our hearty support once
again for military action. Which, at this point, has no end in sight or
concrete American interest at stake. Moreover, we are admonished, that
if we, as Americans, turn our backs on the troubles at the doorstep of
Europe, we have the added burden of discrediting NATO. After all,
according to the President, we should be grateful to NATO because they
have been, "the cornerstone on which OUR security has rested for the
last 50 years now." If we accept the claims made by the President to be
credible, then we have a moral obligation to feel guilty about the peace
we enjoy and further, we should be thankful that NATO has been the ever
vigilant overseer of our national security.

In spite of his apocalyptic warnings of world war, the only compelling
interests being served by our presence in Kosovo, are those of Bill
Clinton's reckless resolve to nail down his legacy as a leader. The
United States forces have become his pawns in this crusade for world
admiration. He blamed former Presidents of past wars for not "acting
wisely and early enough"; the results were the loss of American lives.
However, Clinton's predecessors were faced with one of the world's great
powers � the German's well-trained military force � seeking world
domination. President Clinton, on the other hand, is only facing a small
time thug. The editors of the Wall Street Journal summed up accurately
Milosevic's position in world, "Slobodan Milosevic is merely the irreden
tist of the moment. All over the world are pirates masquerading as
national leaders, eager to invade and kill the people next to them under
the guise of historic grievances." Basically, the President wants to
feel good about facing down the bad guy ofKosovo.

Having been charged with numerous lapses of judgement and evil doings
the President's most glaring character flaw is his manipulation of the
good will of the American people. By the troubles in Kosovo to epic
proportions as those of two world wars he could convince, albeit
reluctantly, the American people to get on board his humanitarian
program. Further, he has made good use our good will and unfailing
support of the military for his long-range design. To rewrite a legacy
that has so far proven to be flawed, blemished and disfigured. His
desire, for all practical purposes, is to be memorialized, not as an
impotent impeached President of the United States, but as the Leader of
NATO. Finally, Clinton asked us, "do our interests in Kosovo justify the
dangers to our Armed Forces?" His reassurance was that he "thought long
and hard about that question" to which, we can conclude, was only long
enough to rifle through his hard drive to find the 1995 speech about
Bosnia.

The New Australian, April 12-18, 1999
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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