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In 1933 Dorothy Detzer, executive secretary of the Women's International
League
for Peace and Freedom, approached Gerald P. Nye, George Norris and
Robert La Follette and asked them to instigate a Senate investigation into
the international munitions industry. They agreed and on 8th February,
1934, Nye submitted a Senate Resolution calling for an investigation of the
munitions industry by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee under Key
Pittman of Nevada. Pittman disliked the idea and the resolution was
referred to the Military Affairs Committee. It was eventually combined with
one introduced earlier by Arthur H. Vandenberg of Michigan, who sought
to take the profits out of war.

The Military Affairs Committee accepted the proposal and as well as Nye
and Vandenberg, the Munitions Investigating Committee included James P.
Pope of Idaho, Homer T. Bone of Washington, Joel B. Clark of Missouri,
Walter F. George of Georgia and W. Warren Barbour of New Jersey. Alger
Hiss was the committee's legal assistant. John T. Flynn, a writer with the
New Republic magazine, was recruited and wrote most of the reports
published by the committee.

Public hearings before the Munitions Investigating Committee began on 4th
September, 1934. In the reports published by the committee it was claimed
that there was a strong link between the American government's decision
to enter the First World War and the lobbying of the the munitions
industry. The committee was also highly critical of the nation's bankers. In
a speech in 1936 Gerald P. Nye argued that "the record of facts makes it
altogether fair to say that these bankers were in the heart and center of a
system that made our going to war inevitable".

Gerald P. Nye remained a staunch isolationist during the emergence of
Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini in Europe. In August 1940, Nye attacked
President Franklin D. Roosevelt for giving the leaders of England and France
"reason to believe that if they would declare war on Germany, help would
be forthcoming." He went on to argue that the United States had "sold
out, by deliberate falsification, the two European nations with which we
had the closest ties. We sent France to her death and have brought
England perilously close to it."

On 15th April, 1940, Gerald P. Nye told a meeting in Pennsylvania that the
European war was not "worthy of the sacrifice of one American mule,
much less one American son." He also argued that "Russia, Stalin and
communist ideology" would eventually win from the Second World War.

In 1941 Nye was the most active member of the America First Committee in
the Senate. This involved the attempt to defeat the administration Lend
Lease proposal. Although Nye persuaded Burton K. Wheeler, Hugh
Johnson, Robert LaFollette Jr., Henrik Shipstead, Homer T. Bone, James B.
Clark, William Langer, and Arthur Capper, to vote against the measure, it
was passed by 60 votes to 31.

In a speech in Des Moines, Iowa, Charles A. Lindbergh claimed that the
"three most important groups who have been pressing this country toward
war are the British, the Jewish and the Roosevelt administration". Soon
afterwards Nye gave his support to Lindbergh and argued "that the Jewish
people are a large factor in our movement toward war." These speeches
resulted in some people claiming that Nye was anti-Semitic.

The America First Committee influenced public opinion through
publications and speeches and within a year the organization had 450 local
chapters and over 800,000 members. The AFC was dissolved four days after
the Japanese Air Force attacked Pearl Harbor on 7th December, 1941.











(1) In her autobiography, Appointment on the Hill, Dorothy Detzer
reported a
conversation she had with George Norris in 1933 about Gerald P. Nye
leading the investigation into the international munitions industry.

Nye's young, he has inexhaustible energy, and he has courage. Those are
all important assets. He may be rash in his
judgments at times, but it's the rashness of enthusiasm. I think he would
do a first- class job with an investigation. Besides, Nye doesn't come up for
election again for another four years; by that time the investigation would
be over. If it reveals what I am certain it will, such an investigation would
help him politically, not harm him. And that would not be the case with
many senators. For you see, there isn't a major industry in North Dakota
closely allied to the munitions business.



(2) Gerald P. Nye, speech in Congress (May, 1933)

Investigations serve a most healthy purpose in that they prevent many
practices and serve as a caution against practices which might be
considered proper and customary but for the development of a
conscience by the existence of an investigating committee.

With economic and political influence coming into such concentrated
control it is of greatest importance that legislative bodies be on closest
guard against encroachment which further threatens a free government.
Honest investigations, prosecuted by legislators determined to reach and
develop the facts, and by legislators who in their work can and will
abandon partisanship, are of greatest value to the government and its
people. They afford necessary knowledge basic to helpful legislation. They
educate people to practices unfriendly to their best interests. They throw
fear into men an interests who would by any means at their command
move governments to selfish purposes.



(3) Gerald P. Nye, speech reported in the New York Times (10th February,
1936)

It would not be fair to say that the House of Morgan took us to war to
save their investment in the Allies, but the record of facts makes it
altogether fair to say that these bankers were in the heart and center of a
system that made our going to war inevitable. We started in 1914 with a
neutrality policy which permitted the sale of arms and munitions to
belligerents, but which forbad loans to belligerents. Then, in the name of
our own business welfare. President Wilson permitted the policy to be
stretched to the extent of permitting the house of Morgan to supply the
credit needs of the Allies. After this error of neutrality, the road to war
was paved and greased for us.



(4) Report on Activities and Sales of Munition Companies (April, 1936)

Almost without exception, the American munitions companies investigated
have at times resorted to such unusual approaches, questionable favors
and commissions, and methods of 'doing the needful' as to constitute, in
effect,
a form of bribery of foreign governmental officials or of their close friends
in order to secure business. These business methods carried within
themselves the seeds of disturbance to the peace and stability of those
nations in which they
take place.

While the evidence before this committee does not show that wars have
been started solely because of the activities of munitions makers and their
agents, it is also true that wars rarely have one single cause, and the
committee finds it to be against the peace of the world for selfishly
interested organizations to be left free to goad and frighten nations into
military activity.



(5) Joel B. Clark, introduction to the Munitions Industry: Report on Existing
Legislation (5th June, 1936)

The Committee wishes to point out most definitely that its study of events
resulting from the then existing neutrality legislation, or the lack of it, is in
no way a criticism, direct or implied, of the sincere devotion of the then
President, Woodrow Wilson, to the high causes of peace and democracy.
Like other leaders in government, business and finance, he had watched
the growth of militarism in the pre-war years. Militarism meant the alliance
of the military with powerful economic groups to secure appropriations on
the one hand for a constantly increasing military and naval establishment,
and on the other hand, the constant threat of the use of that swollen
military establishment in behalf of the economic interests at home and
abroad of the industrialists supporting it. President Wilson was personally
impelled by the highest motives and the most profound convictions as to
the justice of the cause of our country and was devoted to peace. He was
caught up in a situation created largely by the profit-making interests in
the United States, and such interests spread to nearly everybody in the
country. It seemed necessary to the prosperity of our people that their
markets in Europe remain unimpaired. President Wilson, himself, stated
that he realized that the economic rivalries of European nations had
played their part in bringing on the war in 1914.



(6) Gerald P. Nye, speech in Congress (6th June, 1936)

Loans extended to the Allies in 1915 and 1916, led to a very considerable
war boom and inflation. This boom extended beyond munitions to auxiliary
supplies and equipment as well as to agricultural products. The nature of
such a war-boom inflation is that, like all inflations, an administration is
almost powerless to check it, once the movement is well started. Our
foreign policy then is seriously affected by it, even to the extent of making
impossible the alteration of our foreign policy in such a way as to protect
our neutral rights.



(7) Gerald P. Nye, speech in Congress (July, 1939)

No member of the Munitions Committee to my knowledge has ever
contended that it was munitions makers who took us to war. But that
committee and its members have said again and again, that it was war trade
and the war boom, shared in by many more than munitions makers, that
played the primary part in moving the United States into a war.



(8) Gerald P. Nye, speech reported in the New York Times on 28th August
1940.

England and France reason to believe that if they would declare war on
Germany, help would be forthcoming. Some day history will show, as one
of the blackest marks of our time, that we sold out, by deliberate
falsification, the two European nations with which we had the closest ties.
We sent France to her death and have brought England perilously close to
it. Had they stalled Hitler for a while, while they prepared to meet him,
the story might have been different.
Forwarded for your information.  The text and intent of the article
have to stand on their own merits.
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the authority of teachers, elders or wise men.  Believe only after
careful observation and analysis, when you find that it agrees with
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Then accept it and live up to it." The Buddha on Belief,
from the Kalama Sut

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