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A Clean Break:
A New Strategy for Securing the Realm
http://www.israeleconomy.org/strat1.htm

Following is a report prepared by The Institute for Advanced Strategic and
Political
Studies� "Study Group on a New Israeli Strategy Toward 2000." The main
substantive ideas in this paper emerge from a discussion in which
prominent opinion makers, including Richard Perle, James Colbert, Charles
Fairbanks, Jr., Douglas Feith, Robert Loewenberg, David Wurmser, and
Meyrav Wurmser participated. The report, entitled "A Clean Break: A New
Strategy for Securing the Realm," is the framework for a series of follow-up
reports on strategy.

Israel has a large problem. Labor Zionism, which for 70 years has dominated
the Zionist movement, has generated a stalled and shackled economy.
Efforts to salvage Israel�s socialist institutions�which include pursuing
supranational over national sovereignty and pursuing a peace process that
embraces the slogan, "New Middle East"�undermine the legitimacy of the
nation and lead Israel into strategic paralysis and the previous
government�s "peace process." That peace process obscured the evidence
of eroding national critical mass� including a palpable sense of national
exhaustion�and forfeited strategic initiative. The loss of national critical
mass was illustrated best by Israel�s efforts to draw in the United States to
sell unpopular policies domestically, to agree to negotiate sovereignty over
its capital, and to respond with resignation to a spate of terror so intense
and tragic that it deterred Israelis from engaging in normal daily functions,
such as commuting to work in buses.

Benjamin Netanyahu�s government comes in with a new set of ideas. While
there are those who will counsel continuity, Israel has the opportunity to
make a clean break; it can forge a peace process and strategy based on an
entirely new intellectual foundation, one that restores strategic initiative
and provides the nation the room to engage every possible energy on
rebuilding Zionism, the starting point of which must be economic reform.
To secure the nation�s streets and borders in the immediate future, Israel
can:

Work closely with Turkey and Jordan to contain, destabilize, and roll-back
some of its most dangerous threats. This implies clean break from the
slogan, "comprehensive peace" to a traditional concept of strategy based
on balance of power.
Change the nature of its relations with the Palestinians, including
upholding the right of hot pursuit for self defense into all Palestinian areas
and nurturing alternatives to Arafat�s exclusive grip on Palestinian society.
Forge a new basis for relations with the United States�stressing self-
reliance, maturity, strategic cooperation on areas of mutual concern, and
furthering values inherent to the West. This can only be done if Israel
takes serious steps to terminate aid, which prevents economic reform.

This report is written with key passages of a possible speech marked TEXT,
that highlight the clean break which the new government has an
opportunity to make. The body of the report is the commentary explaining
the purpose and laying out the strategic context of the passages.

A New Approach to Peace

Early adoption of a bold, new perspective on peace and security is
imperative for the new prime minister. While the previous government, and
many abroad, may emphasize "land for peace"� which placed Israel in the
position of cultural, economic, political, diplomatic, and military retreat �
the new government can promote Western values and traditions. Such an
approach, which will be well received in the United States, includes
"peace for peace," "peace through strength" and self reliance: the balance
of power.

A new strategy to seize the initiative can be introduced:

TEXT:

We have for four years pursued peace based on a New Middle East. We in
Israel cannot play innocents abroad in a world that is not innocent. Peace
depends on the character and behavior of our foes. We live in a dangerous
neighborhood, with fragile states and bitter rivalries. Displaying moral
ambivalence between the effort to build a Jewish state and the desire to
annihilate it by trading "land for peace" will not secure "peace now." Our
claim to the land �to which we have clung for hope for 2000 years--is
legitimate and noble. It is not within our own power, no matter how much
we concede, to make peace unilaterally. Only the unconditional
acceptance by Arabs of our rights, especially in their territorial dimension,
"peace for peace," is a solid basis for the future.

Israel�s quest for peace emerges from, and does not replace, the pursuit
of its ideals. The Jewish people�s hunger for human rights � burned into
their identity by a 2000- year old dream to live free in their own land �
informs the concept of peace and reflects continuity of values with
Western and Jewish tradition. Israel can now embrace negotiations, but as
means, not ends, to pursue those ideals and demonstrate national
steadfastness. It can challenge police states; enforce compliance of
agreements; and insist on minimal standards of accountability.

Securing the Northern Border

Syria challenges Israel on Lebanese soil. An effective approach, and one
with which American can sympathize, would be if Israel seized the
strategic initiative along its northern borders by engaging Hizballah, Syria,
and Iran, as the principal agents of aggression in Lebanon, including by:

striking Syria�s drug-money and counterfeiting infrastructure in Lebanon,
all of which focuses on Razi Qanan.
paralleling Syria�s behavior by establishing the precedent that Syrian
territory is not immune to attacks emanating from Lebanon by Israeli proxy
forces.
striking Syrian military targets in Lebanon, and should that prove
insufficient, striking at select targets in Syria proper.

Israel also can take this opportunity to remind the world of the nature of
the Syrian regime. Syria repeatedly breaks its word. It violated numerous
agreements with the Turks, and has betrayed the United States by
continuing to occupy Lebanon in violation of the Taef agreement in 1989.
Instead, Syria staged a sham election, installed a quisling regime, and
forced Lebanon to sign a "Brotherhood Agreement" in 1991, that
terminated Lebanese sovereignty. And Syria has begun colonizing Lebanon
with hundreds of thousands of Syrians, while killing tens of thousands of its
own citizens at a time, as it did in only three days in 1983 in Hama.

Under Syrian tutelage, the Lebanese drug trade, for which local Syrian
military officers receive protection payments, flourishes. Syria�s regime
supports the terrorist groups operationally and financially in Lebanon and
on its soil. Indeed, the Syrian-controlled Bekaa Valley in Lebanon has
become for terror what the Silicon Valley has become for computers. The
Bekaa Valley has become one of the main distribution sources, if not
production points, of the "supernote" � counterfeit US currency so well
done that it is impossible to detect.

Text:

Negotiations with repressive regimes like Syria�s require cautious realism.
One cannot sensibly assume the other side�s good faith. It is dangerous for
Israel to deal naively with a regime murderous of its own people, openly
aggressive toward its neighbors, criminally involved with international drug
traffickers and counterfeiters, and supportive of the most deadly terrorist
organizations.

Given the nature of the regime in Damascus, it is both natural and moral
that Israel abandon the slogan "comprehensive peace" and move to contain
Syria, drawing attention to its weapons of mass destruction program, and
rejecting "land for peace" deals on the Golan Heights.

Moving to a Traditional Balance of Power Strategy

TEXT:

We must distinguish soberly and clearly friend from foe. We must make
sure that our friends across the Middle East never doubt the solidity or
value of our friendship.

Israel can shape its strategic environment, in cooperation with Turkey and
Jordan, by weakening, containing, and even rolling back Syria. This effort
can focus on removing Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq � an important
Israeli strategic objective in its own right � as a means of foiling Syria�s
regional ambitions. Jordan has challenged Syria's regional ambitions
recently by suggesting the restoration of the Hashemites in Iraq. This has
triggered a Jordanian-Syrian rivalry to which Asad has responded by
stepping up efforts to destabilize the Hashemite Kingdom, including using
infiltrations. Syria recently signaled that it and Iran might prefer a weak,
but barely surviving Saddam, if only to undermine and humiliate Jordan in
its efforts to remove Saddam.

But Syria enters this conflict with potential weaknesses: Damascus is too
preoccupied with dealing with the threatened new regional equation to
permit distractions of the Lebanese flank. And Damascus fears that the
'natural axis' with Israel on one side, central Iraq and Turkey on the other,
and Jordan, in the center would squeeze and detach Syria from the Saudi
Peninsula. For Syria, this could be the prelude to a redrawing of the map
of the Middle East which would threaten Syria's territorial integrity.

Since Iraq's future could affect the strategic balance in the Middle East
profoundly, it would be understandable that Israel has an interest in
supporting the Hashemites in their efforts to redefine Iraq, including such
measures as: visiting Jordan as the first official state visit, even before a
visit to the United States, of the new Netanyahu government; supporting
King Hussein by providing him with some tangible security measures to
protect his regime against Syrian subversion; encouraging � through
influence in the U.S. business community � investment in Jordan to
structurally shift Jordan�s economy away from dependence on Iraq; and
diverting Syria�s attention by using Lebanese opposition elements to
destabilize Syrian control of Lebanon.

Most important, it is understandable that Israel has an interest supporting
diplomatically, militarily and operationally Turkey�s and Jordan�s actions
against Syria, such as securing tribal alliances with Arab tribes that cross
into Syrian territory and are hostile to the Syrian ruling elite.

King Hussein may have ideas for Israel in bringing its Lebanon problem
under control. The predominantly Shia population of southern Lebanon
has been tied for centuries to the Shia leadership in Najf, Iraq rather than
Iran. Were the Hashemites to control Iraq, they could use their influence
over Najf to help Israel wean the south Lebanese Shia away from Hizballah,
Iran, and Syria. Shia retain strong ties to the Hashemites: the Shia venerate
foremost the Prophet�s family, the direct descendants of which � and in
whose veins the blood of the Prophet flows � is King Hussein.

Changing the Nature of Relations with the Palestinians

Israel has a chance to forge a new relationship between itself and the
Palestinians. First and foremost, Israel�s efforts to secure its streets may
require hot pursuit into Palestinian-controlled areas, a justifiable practice
with which Americans can sympathize.

A key element of peace is compliance with agreements already signed.
Therefore, Israel has the right to insist on compliance, including closing
Orient House and disbanding Jibril Rujoub�s operatives in Jerusalem.
Moreover, Israel and the United States can establish a Joint Compliance
Monitoring Committee to study periodically whether the PLO meets
minimum standards of compliance, authority and responsibility, human
rights, and judicial and fiduciary accountability.

TEXT:

We believe that the Palestinian Authority must be held to the same minimal
standards of accountability as other recipients of U.S. foreign aid. A firm
peace cannot tolerate repression and injustice. A regime that cannot
fulfill the most rudimentary obligations to its own people cannot be
counted upon to fulfill its obligations to its neighbors.

Israel has no obligations under the Oslo agreements if the PLO does not
fulfill its obligations. If the PLO cannot comply with these minimal
standards, then it can be neither a hope for the future nor a proper
interlocutor for present. To prepare for this, Israel may want to cultivate
alternatives to Arafat�s base of power. Jordan has ideas on this.

To emphasize the point that Israel regards the actions of the PLO
problematic, but not the Arab people, Israel might want to consider
making a special effort to reward friends and advance human rights among
Arabs. Many Arabs are willing to work with Israel; identifying and helping
them are important. Israel may also find that many of her neighbors, such
as Jordan, have problems with Arafat and may want to cooperate. Israel
may also want to better integrate its own Arabs.

Forging A New U.S.-Israeli Relationship

In recent years, Israel invited active U.S. intervention in Israel�s domestic
and foreign policy for two reasons: to overcome domestic opposition to
"land for peace" concessions the Israeli public could not digest, and to
lure Arabs � through money, forgiveness of past sins, and access to U.S.
weapons � to negotiate. This strategy, which required funneling American
money to repressive and aggressive regimes, was risky, expensive, and very
costly for both the U.S. and Israel, and placed the United States in roles is
should neither have nor want.

Israel can make a clean break from the past and establish a new vision for
the U.S.- Israeli partnership based on self-reliance, maturity and mutuality
� not one focused narrowly on territorial disputes. Israel�s new strategy �
based on a shared philosophy of peace through strength � reflects
continuity with Western values by stressing that Israel is self-reliant, does
not need U.S. troops in any capacity to defend it, including on the Golan
Heights, and can manage its own affairs. Such self-reliance will grant Israel
greater freedom of action and remove a significant lever of pressure used
against it in the past.

To reinforce this point, the Prime Minister can use his forthcoming visit to
announce that Israel is now mature enough to cut itself free immediately
from at least U.S. economic aid and loan guarantees at least, which
prevent economic reform. [Military aid is separated for the moment until
adequate arrangements can be made to ensure that Israel will not
encounter supply problems in the means to defend itself]. As outlined in
another Institute report, Israel can become self-reliant only by, in a bold
stroke rather than in increments, liberalizing its economy, cutting taxes,
relegislating a free-processing zone, and selling-off public lands and
enterprises � moves which will electrify and find support from a broad
bipartisan spectrum of key pro-Israeli Congressional leaders, including
Speaker of the House, Newt Gingrich.

Israel can under these conditions better cooperate with the U.S. to
counter real threats to the region and the West�s security. Mr. Netanyahu
can highlight his desire to cooperate more closely with the United States
on anti-missile defense in order to remove the threat of blackmail which
even a weak and distant army can pose to either state. Not only would
such cooperation on missile defense counter a tangible physical threat to
Israel�s survival, but it would broaden Israel�s base of support among many
in the United States Congress who may know little about Israel, but care
very much about missile defense. Such broad support could be helpful in
the effort to move the U.S. embassy in Israel to Jerusalem.

To anticipate U.S. reactions and plan ways to manage and constrain those
reactions, Prime Minister Netanyahu can formulate the policies and stress
themes he favors in language familiar to the Americans by tapping into
themes of American administrations during the Cold War which apply well
to Israel. If Israel wants to test certain propositions that require a benign
American reaction, then the best time to do so is before November, 1996.

Conclusions: Transcending the Arab-Israeli Conflict

TEXT: Israel will not only contain its foes; it will transcend them.

Notable Arab intellectuals have written extensively on their perception of
Israel�s floundering and loss of national identity. This perception has
invited attack, blocked Israel from achieving true peace, and offered hope
for those who would destroy Israel. The previous strategy, therefore, was
leading the Middle East toward another Arab- Israeli war. Israel�s new
agenda can signal a clean break by abandoning a policy which assumed
exhaustion and allowed strategic retreat by reestablishing the principle of
preemption, rather than retaliation alone and by ceasing to absorb blows
to the nation without response.

Israel�s new strategic agenda can shape the regional environment in ways
that grant Israel the room to refocus its energies back to where they are
most needed: to rejuvenate its national idea, which can only come
through replacing Israel�s socialist foundations with a more sound footing;
and to overcome its "exhaustion," which threatens the survival of the
nation.

Ultimately, Israel can do more than simply manage the Arab-Israeli conflict
though war. No amount of weapons or victories will grant Israel the peace
its seeks. When Israel is on a sound economic footing, and is free,
powerful, and healthy internally, it will no longer simply manage the Arab-
Israeli conflict; it will transcend it. As a senior Iraqi opposition leader said
recently: "Israel must rejuvenate and revitalize its moral and intellectual
leadership. It is an important � if not the most important--element in the
history of the Middle East." Israel � proud, wealthy, solid, and strong �
would be the basis of a truly new and peaceful Middle East.

Participants in the Study Group on "A New Israeli Strategy Toward 2000:"

Richard Perle, American Enterprise Institute, Study Group Leader

James Colbert, Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs
Charles Fairbanks, Jr., Johns Hopkins University/SAIS
Douglas Feith, Feith and Zell Associates
Robert Loewenberg, President, Institute for Advanced Strategic and
Political Studies
Jonathan Torop, The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
David Wurmser, Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies
Meyrav Wurmser, Johns Hopkins University


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