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Powell is no longer the man the world thought he was
COMMENT by Gary Younge at the United Nations
February 7 2003

As he jabbed and slapped the table, pointed into the middle distance and
said "Enough, enough", the transformation of Colin Powell in the eyes of
the international community appeared complete. The man on whom so
many European hopes of reining in the excesses of George Bush's
administration were pinned had apparently changed sides.

Powell's presentation to the UN Security Council was impressive in its
delivery.

He barraged the Security Council with questions: "Who took the hard
drives? Where did they go? What's being hidden? Why?" Yet he offered few
answers and much speculation.

His voice was clear, his tone abrupt. His manner wavered between
imploring and threatening. Time and again he assured his audience - an
increasingly sceptical American public as much as his Security Council
colleagues - that he was showing them "not assertions but facts" and
"evidence not conjecture".

Falling back on his military credentials, at one point Powell conceded: "I
am no expert on centrifuge tubes, but just as an old army trooper, I can
tell you a couple of things."

The White House had been keen to play down any expectation that Powell
would produce a smoking gun.
By the halfway point of his address, the mood in the hall was weary; after
all, Powell must have put forward his best evidence first. By the time he
had finished with a rousing call to action, if not war, people were looking
at their watches.

It has been a dramatic shift in stance for the man who was dissuaded from
running for president by his wife, Alma, who feared the threat of
assassination.

In his autobiography, My American Journey, Powell wrote of the Vietnam
War: "Many in my generation vowed that when our turn came to call the
shots, we would not quietly acquiesce in half-hearted warfare for half-
baked reasons that the American people could not understand."

It was Powell who argued before the Gulf War that sanctions should be
allowed to bite before troops were sent in and who argued against
bombing in Bosnia because he believed it could not end the ethnic
divisions that spurred the conflict.

When his predecessor in the Clinton administration, Madeleine Albright,
asked him, "What's the point in having this superb military you're always
talking about if we can't use it?" Powell said he thought he would have an
aneurysm.

But while it may have disappointed his diplomatic counterparts, Powell's
speech may yet retain him some influence in the White House.

It was Powell who went to George Bush on August5 last year and
persuaded him, against the advice of Bush's other key aides, to take the
issue to the UN. He secured resolution 1441 in November after eight weeks
of brinkmanship and against the wishes of hawks like Donald Rumsfeld and
Dick Cheney.

Up until a month ago he appeared to be the only reasonable link between
the White House and the world. At the beginning of January he implied
that the inspections process still had longer to run: "The inspectors are
really now starting to gain momentum."

The decisive moment in this evolution took place not, as many believe, last
week when the chief weapons inspector delivered his critical report to
the UN, but a week earlier following a Security Council meeting called to
discuss terrorism.

The French, who were chairing the session, shifted its focus on to Iraq,
declaring the weapons inspectors needed more time. Powell was furious.
He described the French position as "unfortunate" in public, but in private
he was angry.

A day after that, he said: "The question isn't how much longer do you need
for inspections to work. Inspections will not work. It's the scepticism that
we had all along to give Iraq one last chance for inspections to work."

There are those who believe that Powell has not changed, only the
perception of him has been corrected. The Powell doctrine has always
been that the US should use force only as a last resort to protect
America's vital interests, but that once force has been authorised it should
be applied overwhelmingly and decisively.

"It is vexing that the argument is cast as hawks and doves - or in Nike
language 'Just do it' against 'Just don't don't do it'," said one of his aides
recently. "The Powell solution is 'Just do it right'."

But as his Security Council colleagues offered their sceptical responses, it
seemed that Powell had now adopted the Bush doctrine: "Just do it
anyway."

The Guardian

This story was found at:
http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/02/06/1044498914611.html
Forwarded for your information.  The text and intent of the article
have to stand on their own merits.
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the authority of teachers, elders or wise men.  Believe only after
careful observation and analysis, when you find that it agrees with
reason and is conducive to the good and benefit of one and all.
Then accept it and live up to it." The Buddha on Belief,
from the Kalama Sut

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