-Caveat Lector-

Why is Britain so committed to this war?

Anthony Sampson
Sunday February 16, 2003
The Observer

After the dramatic showdown at the United Nations on Friday, and Tony
Blair's speech in Glasgow yesterday, the extent and cost of the
Government's commitment to Washington has emerged clearly. Britain is
giving unconditional support to American foreign policy in the Middle East,
in direct conflict with France and Germany, and many European partners.
It is the most fundamental realignment since the 1940s, with far-reaching
implications for the future of Nato and the European Union. But it has
emerged without any serious debate, against the advice of senior diplomats
and military advisers, at a time when parliament is in recess.

How can the British be so totally committed to American foreign policy in
the Middle East - where they have much longer and deeper experience - when
it is so rash and dangerous, and at odds with British interests?

The hawks in Washington, clearly in the ascendant, are becoming clearer
about their objectives. They want the invasion of Iraq to be followed by a
programme of remaking the whole Middle East, following far-reaching plans
with long antecedents and ingredients including a document, A Clean Break,
written in 1996 for Benjamin Netanyahu, when he was Prime Minister of
Israel.

They envisage replacing Islamic dictatorships with American-style
democratic elections, to bring an end to pan-Arab nationalism and provide
the opportunity for peaceful relations with Israel and the United States,
and more secure access to oilfields.

But it is naive to assume that democratic elections will benefit Western
interests in the current climate of confrontation with Islam. Angry young
Arab voters could well favour radical Islamist candidates, as they have
done in Algeria - who would bring to power regimes with much more
anti-Western policies than their predecessors.

And no British diplomat who has followed the twists and turns of past
policies in Washington can feel confident about the success of American
adventures in the Middle East. The interventions in both Iraq and Iran have
been inconsistent and dangerous, helping to provide weapons and finance
terrorist groups which later turned against them.

The record of both the CIA and the State Department in dealing with Saddam
Hussein appears still more irresponsible as new documents appear, showing
how they gave him massive support in the mid-Eighties to help him win the
war against Iran, then allowed him to re-arm before he invaded Kuwait in
1991.

The record of American oil diplomacy in the Middle East is no better, as
companies have helped to corrupt autocratic rulers then turned against
them, provoking nationalists and encouraging fundamentalists.

International oil executives are now much less confident of the benefits of
war than the hawks in Washington. George Bush and Dick Cheney, both former
oilmen, portray the war as providing secure oil supplies. But a post-war
occupation of Iraq could make all Arab oil producers vulnerable to a
backlash of Islamic revolt.

British oil companies cannot have much confidence that a war against Iraq
would safeguard their interests. BP, which pioneered the discovery of oil
in Iraq, fears being sidelined by American companies.

The British have their own record of mishandling and misjudging Middle
Eastern nations, many of which they helped to create, including Iraq, after
the First World War. When Sir Anthony Eden invaded Egypt in the Suez war of
1956, he never seriously considered the aftermath, which aroused Arab
nationalists throughout the Middle East and did huge damage to British
businesses, particularly the oil companies who were not consulted about a
war supposedly in their interests.

Britain learnt many lessons from that huge mistake and tried to work more
closely with Arab countries afterwards. Now Washington seems set on a
reverse path, back to colonisation, military intervention and occupation.
For the British to support such a policy is to reject their own experience
and to forfeit precious goodwill.

The British still find it hard to believe that Saddam Hussein is closely
linked to al-Qaeda. The danger of international terrorism has been clear
enough since 9/11, and was underlined last week by apparent threats to
British airports. But after a year of intensive investigation, the link
with Saddam Hussein has still not been proven.

Few British diplomats believe that the defeat of Saddam Hussein will weaken
terrorists round the world - while many suspect that the war and occupation
will help to provoke more terrorism - as Osama bin Laden evidently intends.
The British still find it hard to understand how the Americans have
switched their prime target from al-Qaeda to Saddam.

The Foreign Office is much more sensitive to Arab opinion, and the
grievances of the Palestinians, than the State Department. Tony Blair has
promised that a war on Iraq would be followed by pressure on Israel to
negotiate peace with Palestinians - but there is little evidence Washington
will exercise that pressure, while a war on Iraq would give the Israeli
army an opportunity for further expansion in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Britain is doing no service to itself, or to Israel, by supporting a
hawkish American foreign policy in the Middle East. However speedy and
successful the first victory over Saddam, the aftermath will be perilous
and bitter.

The British people may well look back on the Iraq war of 2003 with the same
puzzled questions that they asked after Suez. How could they have been so
misled, by such a small group of people, to move against both their
instincts and their interests?

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