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---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 17 Feb 2003 04:00:00 -0700
From: Media Research Center <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: MRC Alert Special: Bozell columns

        ***Media Research Center CyberAlert Special***
               8am EST, Monday February 17, 2003

    On this holiday with Washington, DC snowed in, three recent
Creators syndicate columns by MRC President L. Brent Bozell:
"Beware the Predatory 'Rich'?"; "The Kiss-Me-Kate Democrats" and
"Harsher Memories of Clinton."

    (Check your in box for the February 15 CyberAlert distributed
on Saturday morning with items about coverage of Friday's UN
Security Council meeting, mostly focusing on ABC's Peter
Jennings.)

    Bozell's columns are posted online at:
http://www.mrc.org/archive/newscol/welcome.asp


    > The text of Bozell's January 14 column, "Beware the
Predatory 'Rich'?"

Robert Menendez wants everyone to know he's not a wealthy guy. He
has this little studio apartment two blocks from the Capitol. He
drove the same blue Buick "clunker" for ten years. He says that
"materialistic things are not important to me."

But the poverty plea from this New Jersey Democratic congressman
in the January 5 Washington Post Magazine doesn't impress most
Americans. Menendez insists, "My whole income is my congressional
salary. I don't have any other sources of income, you know, so I
watch it." This year, that translates to a paltry $155,000. This
is the fourth straight year that congressional salaries have
risen. (Under a bizarre 1989 law only Congress could envision,
congressmen receive automatic cost-of-living salary increases
unless they vote to reject them.)

By Democratic Party standards, every penny-watching Washington
legislator should be considered a member of the pampered
super-rich. After all, every one of them has an income in the top
five percent of American households. But just days after his Post
Magazine act, Menendez was out accusing President Bush of
targeting his tax cut at the filthy rich, as if he weren't one of
them: "The Democratic plan helps all Americans, and the
president's plan helps mostly wealthy Americans." In the party's
national radio address a few weeks ago, Menendez insisted
Democrats want to help "working individuals and families, not more
in the hands of those fortunate enough to only have to worry about
how much their fortune has diminished."

The Menendez mendacity is to be expected. This is what Democrats
in Washington do. But should it be equally predictable to find
that the tone and tenor of the media's coverage of the President's
economic stimulus plan carries an identical obsession with the
"unfairness" of tax cuts? That supposedly rich people are somehow
unjustly given the "gift" of their own money, which will "cost"
the government in a "massive" and "controversial" payout?

By the liberal media's standards, the goal must not be how best to
stimulate the economy, but how to strike the best pose as the
champion of the little guy, regardless of its economic effect. If
it's ridiculous for congressmen to grouse about the "super-rich,"
imagine Peter Jennings sitting on top of his personal mountain of
cash kvetching that the Bush plan "has unleashed a very political
debate about whether it will stimulate the economy or just further
enrich the wealthy."

Jennings is right that the debate is very political. But the
condescension sounds a little like the head of a rap music label
complaining that the music is a little coarse. It's the media that
are fueling -- and loving -- this political debate,. A policy
debate will not do. It's too boring. It's bad television. It makes
an anchorman's head hurt.

That's a shame. The media should host a serious debate, matching
economists and accountants and philosophers. They should explore
instead of just parrot the left's proposition that it's the
government's job to correct the "maldistribution" of income. They
should evaluate how New Zealand's economy performed after it ended
the double taxation of corporate income in 1988. There's so much
they could do to return not just civility but intelligence to the
discussion. Instead, they choose to construct a partisan bomb,
indoctrinating the media consumer into the view that Republicans
favor the top one percent of society at the expense of everyone
else.

So Harry Smith of CBS hounds Commerce Secretary Don Evans: "By one
calculation, the wealthiest one percent of taxpayers would get 47
percent of the benefit. How would that stimulate the economy?"
Smith's question is designed not to elicit an answer, but to leave
a negative impression. It says: Try getting that stain off your
shirt, Mr. Secretary.

While Smith and everyone else in the media crib their economic
numbers from liberal outfits like the Brookings Institution, a
more conservative analysis from a group like the Tax Foundation
rarely sees the light of day. Why? Because it balances the
argument that the rich will benefit disproportionately from most
tax cuts with the natural counterpoint that the rich are pay a
very disproportionate part of that tax burden. The top five
percent of taxpayers -- that loaded fraction that includes most of
Washington officialdom -- pays 56.5 percent of the tax burden.

Wouldn't it be nice if the media remembered that old proposition
that the news should be balanced? Instead, liberal politics rule,
so like a broken record, the "news" media are again warning
Americans they're about to be shafted by conservatism being
enacted. And if Americans making $50,000 a year object to being
considered evil mustache-twirling examples of the "wealthy,"
perhaps they should call Robert Menendez or Peter Jennings ?
collect. It's not like those two can't afford it.

    END Reprint of first of three columns



    > Bozell's January 28 column, "The Kiss-Me-Kate Democrats."

As Democrats compete to take on President Bush in 2004, they still
fear the power of his appeal on the prominent issues of the day:
war and taxes. They rhetorically ape his appeals for national
security and economic stimulus. But on one issue, these emerging
candidates will not budge, no matter what. They are lock-step
radicals on abortion.

On January 21, the militant pro-abortion group "Naral Pro-Choice
America" held an abortion-affirming dinner. Their leader, the
ever-shrill Kate Michelman, laid down her marching orders. Every
judicial nominee who ever stood in the way of a 12-year-old
getting an abortion without telling her mother must be
filibustered and defeated. And there on stage were six
kiss-me-Kate Democrats, all tap-dancing on her hard line: Howard
Dean, John Edwards, Dick Gephardt, John Kerry, Joe Lieberman, and
Al Sharpton.

Just how far out on the fringe can we find the Michelman agenda?
The latest Gallup poll tells us only 24 percent favor abortion for
any reason. Another 14 percent think it should be "legal under
most circumstances." Add those together and you get barely a third
of public opinion. The other side now carries the majority: 18
percent want abortion completely illegal, and 42 percent say
"illegal under most circumstances." That 60 percent can elect a
president ? easily.

And yet the Democrats are all chasing that 24 percent, the
abortion-on-demand fringe, with absolutely zero fear that they'll
look "out of the mainstream" to the American people. Why? Because
they know the Democratic primaries are dominated by feminist
pro-abortion militants, and so are the "mainstream" media.

Ryan Lizza of the liberal New Republic magazine explains the
realities of politics: "There remains an iron triangle of
Democratic constituencies -- blacks, labor, pro-choice women --
whom every candidate must appease during the primaries."

But it is the perception that is always more powerful, a
perception created and nurtured by the supposedly mainstream news
media. Reporters are congenitally incapable of portraying the
abortion lobby as sitting on an ideologically extreme pole. Oh,
they love to do that to the pro-lifers -- perpetually portrayed as
a ultraconservative millstone around Republican necks that will
ruin the GOP with women and "moderates" and "independents."

Just three years ago, reporters complained that candidate Bush was
"squeezed by the right" into a "hardline" pro-life position, but
they weren't fazed at all as Al Gore and Bill Bradley competed for
Kate's kiss. Now six Democrats sit like school boys on a NARAL
stage, and the only pandering extremist for "intolerance" is the
president who touches the March for Life with a ten-foot telephone
pole from St. Louis.

No group gets a freer ride from the political press than Kate
Michelman's, even as it keeps renaming itself to de-emphasize its
passion for the abortion procedure. "Naral Pro-Choice America" now
rolls out of reporters' keyboards so easily, you wonder if next,
they won't rename the other groups as Kate Michelman wants, like
the "National What Opponents Call Right to Life Committee."

Dan Balz of The Washington Post covered the NARAL dinner. He found
no "liberals" in attendance, but he calmly passed along the
militant rhetoric as objective journalism, writing the candidates
"pledged last night to lead the fight to protect abortion rights
and battle intolerance." Adam Nagourney of the New York Times was
there, and he also didn't identify NARAL or anybody else there as
"liberal." Ronald Brownstein of the Los Angeles Times did notice
that "liberal" groups like NARAL would be active in 2004 ? using
the L word in the very last paragraph. Jill Lawrence of USA Today
carried no labels, either. But she alone wondered if some of the
rhetoric was too "jarring," such as Howard Dean claiming that if
the Bush administration continued on its anti-abortion path, soon
U.S. women wouldn't be able to go to school.

Al Sharpton drew big cheers for insisting that the "Christian
right" ought to meet the "right Christians" who favor abortion. He
also claimed abortion promoters were the "real patriots" because
they favored "freedom for all Americans." Can you imagine the
reaction to a Republican candidate saying their position was the
most Christian or the most patriotic? Reporters would be choking
on their Evian bottles. These reporters left out the patriotism
sentence, but passed on the "right Christians" line without a hint
of objection.

If reporters weren't militant feminists, if they took their job
seriously as nonpartisan observers, they would observe that each
party has a base on a pole of the abortion question. But Kate
Michelman sits at one extreme calling the other pole extreme --
though it's now certifiably the mainstream -- and the media elite
just take her dictation, year after year, destroying their own
credibility as "moderates" or "independents," or, it's almost to
laugh, "objective."

    END Reprint of second of three columns



    > Bozell's February 11 column, "Harsher Memories of Clinton."

The Clinton era seems long gone now, but when the memories come
back, they're not generally pleasant. For conservatives, the bad
memories surface when CNN has the gall to bring Clinton on "Larry
King Live" on Ronald Reagan's birthday. There he was, to publicize
his stage appearance with the Rolling Stones to raise funds to
fight that global warming monster. In his typically petty way,
this most unpresidential former president slammed George W. Bush
for not spending enough on homeland security while giving tax cuts
to the rich.

Liberals still regret having to drop all the fairy tales about the
admirable Clinton marriage and the president's supposedly reformed
sexual behavior. A few weeks ago, ABC's "Good Morning America"
revisited the five-year anniversary of the Monica Lewinsky story,
and reporter Claire Shipman couldn't help shuddering at the "acid
flashbacks" to that awful moment for Democrats when a Clinton
scandal moved the Nielsen ratings meters.

But for a few journalists, the memories of the Clinton impeachment
are becoming sharper than they used to be. Longtime CBS Capitol
Hill correspondent and "Face the Nation" host Bob Schieffer has a
new memoir out called "This Just In: What I Couldn't Tell You on
TV." It seems that what he couldn't tell you on TV was what
everyone already knew: Clinton was a sleazeball.

Schieffer confesses that early on he had a "prejudice" in favor of
Clinton, since he corrected the notion that not all wisdom somehow
originates in the northeast United States. He adds "I come from a
long line of conservative Texas Democrats, but I claim no
political party." He says Clinton established some "remarkable
feats," from NAFTA to welfare reform to balancing the budget --
feats which seem less remarkable when you acknowledge they were
GOP initiatives, not his.

But Schieffer grows agitated remembering September 11, 1998 ? the
day he spent part of his afternoon reading snippets of the Starr
Report in live coverage. He remembers "as the father of two grown
daughters, I found the whole thing depressing."

On that day, he had the ability to express that personal feeling,
but he never did. Reporters express their personal feelings about
everything else, but not this.

Schieffer suggests "Clinton disgraced the highest office in the
land, and as the tawdry details of his affairs became a part of
the national conversation, he coarsened the culture of the people
he had been elected to lead. That was his crime."

Schieffer never talked about a coarsened culture on TV, either.
What conservatives had so forcefully maintained, and which
Schieffer now concedes was true, was roundly ignored when it was
news.

In his book Schieffer also trashes Clinton for making his
secretary Betty Currie come in on her days off to clear Monica
into the White House, then wait through the sexual escapades
before she could go home. He attacks Clinton for sending Madeleine
Albright and Donna Shalala out to lie on his behalf. He says
Clinton "had shown himself to be a user of women who was not
hesitant to take advantage of his friends when found it necessary
for business or pleasure. Schieffer actually did say a version of
this on television -- on his "Face the Nation" commentary two days
after reading the Starr Report on the air. But he never chided
Currie, Albright, and Shalala ? no babes in the woods ? for
knowing full well they were hiding the truth and lying to the
American people.

Perhaps the most telling anecdote in his Clinton chapter comes
near the end, where he tells the story of Lanny Breuer. In August
1999, six months after Clinton's acquittal, Schieffer received an
engraved card from Covington and Burling announcing that Breuer
was returning to his old law firm. But the announcement struck him
by boasting that Breuer represented the White House "in
presidential impeachment hearings and trial, four independent
counsel investigations, a Justice Department task force
investigation, and numerous congressional oversight
investigations." While Schieffer thought Breuer "was a good lawyer
I had dealt with and come to like and respect over that
time...that engraved card carried an arresting and somewhat
unsettling message: If you need a good criminal lawyer, get
someone with White House experience."

Schieffer never said that on TV, either. There's no question but
that the pro-Clinton media circled the wagons around this man in
1998. Maybe Schieffer's memoir is far too little, far too late.
But it's better than the obedient silence from those who continue
to deny the shameful performance from this shameless disgrace of a
president.

    END Reprint of third of three columns


    > Tonight, Monday, on NBC's Tonight Show with Jay Leno, the
man who is the polar opposite to Dennis Miller: Bill Maher, whose
new HBO late-night show debuts this Friday.

-- Brent Baker


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