-Caveat Lector-

Clueless in Frogville
by Chris Sanders
March 8, 2003

Over the weekend at the beginning of the month, Sanders Research
crossed a sort of threshold, receiving its first death threat. "We will
destroy you" was sent on one of our internal e-mail addresses through an
American ISP. At least someone reads us.

Feedback from another reader in the American heartland suggests that we
are "clueless in Frogville," which presumably means that our attitudes are
suspiciously continental. Now, the French have given the world good food,
wonderful wine, Voltaire, Brigitte Bardot and a strong aversion to
excessive debt. The order of importance of these is debatable, and seems
to move around depending on how close it is to lunchtime. In our view,
that is no sin. The French also helped to give the world the United States
of America, which they must rue from time to time, given the ingratitude
of so many Americans.

It should be abundantly clear to anyone who has managed to pass a
university level course in macroeconomics that the United States began to
move down the path to war with Iraq a number of years ago when the
government chose to aggressively promote policies that expanded an
already bloated national balance sheet. The reason why this should be
retrospectively clear is that logically, perpetual balance sheet expansion is
a policy without an exit strategy. The American government has become
utterly dependent on foreign savings to finance its budget, and the private
sector economy has been overwhelmed by the state capitalism of the
defence sector. In my home state of Texas at least, the reality of this has
done little to disturb the infantile cast of politics, in which everything that
is wrong is laid at the door of the "liberals" and everything right at the
hand of a god who works in a mysterious way through the supposedly
reformed drunk in the White House. The fact that F16s are produced in
Fort Worth, that NASA is headquartered in Houston, that the military is a
big part of the state economy and that all that and much else is
dependent on a cash flow that comes largely from out of state probably
informs this view of things to a large degree, even if unconsciously.

That unconsciousness seems also to be operative at the national level.
The Clinton administration has gone down in Wall Street and journalistic
lore as the government that balanced the budget. While true, narrowly
speaking, the fashion in which this was accomplished is seldom
acknowledged. Ramping the stock and housing markets by aggressively
expanding liquidity and allowing the for-all-intents-and-purposes unlimited
expansion of GSE balance sheets did the business by creating a one-time
tax windfall. But what this really accomplished was to postpone the hard
choices necessary. Now a man whose personal history seems to be a litany
of tough choice avoidance runs the present administration. Of course this
may just represent a perverse operation of the principle that leaders
appear to fit the occasion. Deserted by the top three members of his
economic team within two years of assuming office, it is clear as can be
that the secret of his economic plan is that there is no plan, only the
systematic plundering of what is left of national health and retirement
systems and the seizure of another country's oil. It is surely evidence of
the dearth of irony in American life that the destruction of domestic
public goods is being justified, or camouflaged, by the proposed seizure of
a world public good.

The tenuousness of the American financial position is obvious. Dependent
on the flow of foreign savings in general, it is especially dependent on
Japanese savings in particular and on the recycling of petrodollar profits.
America's Japanese clients, in the form of the rulers of the Liberal
Democratic Party (a party that is anything but liberal or democratic) have
striven mightily to accommodate, digging themselves and their country in
the process a deeper and deeper hole. Their central bank has abandoned
all pretence to prudent management; having accumulated such a huge
stock of government bonds that its balance sheet is now 25% of GDP. It
now faces proposals to increase the rate of increase of bond purchases to
2 trillion yen ($17 billion, give or take few) per month. It has invested
nearly $500 billion of national savings in dollar reserves, giving it almost 5%
of American GDP in cash. Late last year it commenced a systematic and
huge intervention in the stock market, and is swiftly becoming one of the
biggest industrial and commercial stockholders in the world. If Japan is
threatened by depression, it should be clear that the reason is its slavish
subservience to the Americans. It should be equally clear that the
consequences, both financial and political, of disengaging from this policy
dead end rise the longer it goes on.

Perhaps to compensate for his isolation on matters economic, President
Bush has surrounded himself ever more closely with a group of second
raters and individuals whose worldview is Manichean, apocalyptic, and
irrational. Replete with indicted perjurers, the administration is dominated
by men whose literal plan for world domination could not be clearer.
CalledA Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm, this
document was published in 1996 by the Institute for Advanced Strategic
and Political Studies. Democracy, to these people, appears to be an
inconvenience paid homage entirely in the breach, in pursuit of a self-
defined higher good immune to the normal workings of parliamentary
politics or human decency. A national polity that has survived for more
than two hundred years is in the process of being dismantled lock, stock
and barrel, with the apparent endorsement of the very Congress whose
powers are being usurped wholesale. It is supremely ironic that at the end
of a week in which the Israeli Defence Forces killed more than three score
Palestinians and the American President endorsed illegal Israeli settlements
that the Turkish parliament found the courage to deliver a stinging rebuke
to America and a lesson in democracy by refusing to endorse the use of
Turkey as a base for a war of aggression.

Neither the world's manifest public opposition to war nor the workings of
the United Nations are considered legitimate by the present American
government, the former derided by the president as a mere focus group
and the latter as irrelevant. Swept away in the rush to war is any
consideration of the larger issues of the approaching peak in global oil
production, the equitable administration of a vital global public good, the
financial consequences of decades of militarisation and global war, and for
that matter even proper equipment for the troops expected to conduct
the invasion. It is hard to escape the impression that the reason for this
lunatic haste is less the Iraqi summer or the imminent threat of attack by
Iraq, but rather the inexorable rise of a tide of world condemnation and
opposition, in the hope that the creation of facts on the ground will
outflank it.



Why Americans of any stripe should find the response of the rest of the
world to this unreasonable or odd is hard to understand. Neither the
United States, the United Kingdom nor Israel is alone in defining a national
interest, and it may be fairly expected that other nations will resist by
what means they find at their disposal the wholesale hijacking of world
hydrocarbon supplies by the financially parlous tri-partite alliance. Indeed,
the term "Axis" that the American president has applied to the supposed
enemy in this phoniest of wars seems far more apposite applied to the
Anglo-Israeli-American condominium that proposes to unilaterally redraw
the world map.

The establishment of the United States in the late 18th century could be
fairly considered one of the ornaments of the Enlightenment, a rational
exercise of power in a world often irrational. It was, not unfairly,
considered by many a beacon of light in a dark political landscape. Since
then, it has been the intellectual and political inspiration for revolution
and political and social liberation the world over. It has been a long time,
however, and more than just two centuries have gone by since then.
When a justice of the Supreme Court can say, as did Antonin Scalia, such
things as "The more Christian a country is, the less likely it is to view the
death penalty as immoral," or refer to "post-Christian Europe," the lights
are going out, and not in Frogville.

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