-Caveat Lector-

http://www.arabnews.com/Article.asp?ID=23504
Arab News
SAUDI ARABIA'S FIRST ENGLISH LANGUAGE DAILY

‘Liberating’ the Mideast: Why Do We Never Learn?
Robert Fisk, The Independent
Published on 10 March 2003

On March 8, 1917, Lt. Gen. Stanley Maude issued a “Proclamation to the
People of the
Wilayat of Baghdad”. Maude’s Anglo-Indian Army of the Tigres had invaded
and occupied Iraq — after storming up the country from Basra — to “free”
its people from their dictators. “Our armies do not come into your cities
and lands as conquerors or enemies, but as liberators,” the British
announced.

“People of Baghdad, remember for 26 generations you have suffered under
strange tyrants who have ever endeavoured to set one Arab house against
another in order that they might profit by your dissensions.

“This policy is abhorrent to Great Britain and her Allies for there can be
neither peace nor prosperity where there is enmity or misgovernment.”

Gen. Maude, of course, was the Gen. Tommy Franks of his day, and his
proclamation — so rich in irony now that President George Bush is uttering
equally mendacious sentiments — was intended to persuade Iraqis that
they should accept foreign occupation while Britain secured the country’s
oil.

Gen. Maude’s chief political officer, Sir Percy Cox, called on Iraq’s Arab
leaders, who were not identified, to participate in the government in
collaboration with the British authorities and spoke of liberation, freedom,
past glories, future greatness and — here the ironies come in spades — it
expressed the hope that the people of Iraq would find unity.

The British commander cabled to London that “local conditions do not
permit of employing in responsible positions any but British officers
competent... to deal with people of the country. Before any truly Arab
facade (sic) can be applied to edifice, it seems essential that foundation of
law and order should be well and truly laid.” As David Fromkin noted in his
magisterial A Peace to End all Peace — essential reading for America’s
future army of occupation — the antipathy of the Sunni minority and the
Shiite majority of Iraq, the rivalries of tribes and clans “made it difficult to
achieve a single unified government that was at the same time
representative, effective and widely supported”. Whitehall failed, as
Fromkin caustically notes, “to think through in practical detail how to
fulfill the promises gratuitously made to a section of the local inhabitants”.
There was even a problem with the Kurds, since the British could not
make up their mind as to whether they should be absorbed into the new
state of Iraq or allowed to form an independent Kurdistan. The French
were originally to have been awarded Mosul in northern Iraq but gave up
their claim in return for — again, ironies — a major share in the new
Turkish Petroleum Company, confiscated by the British and recreated as
the Iraq Petroleum Company.

How many times has the West marched into the Middle East in so brazen a
fashion? Gen. Sir Edward Allenby “liberated” Palestine only a few months
after Gen. Maude “liberated” Iraq. The French turned up to “liberate”
Lebanon and Syria a couple of years later, slaughtering the Syrian forces
loyal to King Faisal who dared to suggest that French occupation was not
the future they wanted.

What is it, I sometimes wonder, about our constant failure to learn the
lessons of history, to repeat — almost word for word in the case of Gen.
Maude’s proclamation — the same gratuitous promises and lies? A copy of
Gen. Maude’s original proclamation went under the hammer at a British
auction at Swindon last week, but I’ll wager more than the 1,400 pounds
sterling it made that America’s forthcoming proclamation to the
“liberated” people of Iraq reads almost exactly the same.

Take a look at Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations — on
which Bush claims to be such an expert — that allowed the British and
French to divide those territories they had just “liberated” from Ottoman
dictators. “To those colonies and territories which as a consequence of
the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the states which
formerly governed them, and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able
to stand by themselves... there should be applied the principle that the
well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of
civilization... the best method is that the tutelage of such peoples should
be entrusted to advanced nations who, by reason of their resources, their
experience or their geographical position, can best undertake this
responsibility...” What is it about “liberation” in the Middle East? What is
this sacred trust — a ghost of the same “trusteeship” the US Secretary of
State, Colin Powell, now promotes for Iraq’s oil — that the West constantly
wishes to visit upon the Middle East? Why do we so frequently want to
govern these peoples, these “tribes with flags” as Sir Steven Runciman,
that great historian of the 11th- and 12th-century Crusades, once called
them? Indeed, Pope Urban’s call for the first Crusade in 1095, reported at
the time by at least three chroniclers, would find a resonance even among
the Christian fundamentalists who, along with Israel’s supporters, are now
so keen for the United States to invade Iraq.

Urban told his listeners the Turks were maltreating the inhabitants of
Christian lands — an echo here of the human rights abuses which
supposedly upset Bush — and described the suffering of pilgrims, urging
the Christian West’s formerly fratricidal antagonists to fight a “righteous”
war. His conflict, of course, was intended to “liberate” Christians rather
than Muslims who, along with the Jews, the Crusaders slaughtered as soon
as they arrived in the Middle East.

This notion of “liberation” in the Middle East has almost always been
accompanied by another theme: The necessity of overthrowing tyrants.

The Crusaders were as meticulous about their invasions as the US Central
Command at Tampa, Florida, is today.

Marino Sanudo, born in Venice around 1260, describes how the Western
armies chose to put their forces ashore in Egypt with a first
disembarkation of 15,000 infantrymen along with 300 cavalry (the latter
being the Crusader version of an armoured unit). In Beirut, I even have
copies of the West’s 13th-century invasion maps. Napoleon produced a few
of his own in 1798 when he invaded Egypt after 20 years of allegedly
irresponsible and tyrannical rule by Murad Bey and Ibrahim Bey. Claude
Etienne Savary, the French equivalent of all those Washington pundits who
groan today over the suffering of the Iraqi people under President Saddam,
wrote in 1775 that in Cairo under Murad Bey “death may prove the
consequence of the slightest indiscretion”. Under the Beys, the city
“groans under their yoke”. Which is pretty much how we now picture
Baghdad and Basra under President Saddam.

In fact, President Saddam’s promises to destroy America’s invasion force
have a remarkable echo in the exclamation of one of the 18th-century
Mameluke princes in Egypt, who, told of a looming French invasion,
responded with eerily familiar words: “Let the Franks come. We shall crush
them beneath our horses’ hooves.”

Napoleon, of course, did all the crushing, and his first proclamation (he,
too, was coming to “liberate” the people of Egypt from their oppressors)
included an appeal to Egyptian notables to help him run the government.
“O shayks, ‘qadis’, imams, and officers of the town, tell your nation that
the French are friends of true Muslims... Blessed are those Egyptians who
agree with us.” Napoleon went on to set up an “administrative council” in
Egypt, very like the one which the Bush administration says it intends to
operate under US occupation. And in due course the “shayks” and “qadis”
and imams rose up against French occupation in Cairo in 1798.

If Napoleon entered upon his rule in Egypt as a French revolutionary, Gen.
Allenby, when he entered Jerusalem in December 1917, had provided David
Lloyd George with the city he wanted as a Christmas present. Its
liberation, the British prime minister later noted with almost Crusader zeal,
meant that Christendom had been able “to regain possession of its sacred
shrines”. He talked about “the calling of the Turkish bluff” as “the
beginning of the crack-up of that military impostorship which the
incompetence of our war direction had permitted to intimidate us for
years”, shades, here, of the American regret that it never took the 1991
Gulf War to Baghdad; Lloyd George was “finishing the job” of overcoming
Ottoman power just as George Bush Junior now intends to “finish the job”
started by his father.

And always, without exception, there were those tyrants and dictators to
overthrow in the Middle East. In World War II, we “liberated” Iraq a second
time from its pro-Nazi administration. The British “liberated” Lebanon from
Vichy rule with a promise of independence from France, a promise which
Charles de Gaulle tried to renege on until the British almost went to war
with the Free French in Syria.

Lebanon has suffered an awful lot of “liberations”. The Israelis — for Arabs,
an American, “Western” implantation in the Middle East — claimed twice to
be anxious to “liberate” Lebanon from PLO “terrorism” by invading in 1978
and 1982, and leaving in humiliation only two years ago. America’s own
military intervention in Beirut in 1982 was blown apart by a truck-bomb at
the US Marine headquarters the following year. And what did President
Ronald Reagan tell the world? “Lebanon is central to our credibility on a
global scale. We cannot pick and choose where we will support freedom...
If Lebanon ends up under the tyranny of forces hostile to the West, not
only will our strategic position in the eastern Mediterranean be
threatened, but also the stability of the entire Middle East, including the
vast resources of the Arabian Peninsula.” Once more, we, the West, were
going to protect the Middle East from tyranny. Anthony Eden took the
same view of Egypt, anxious to topple the “dictator” Gamal Abdul Nasser,
just as Napoleon had been desperate to rescue the Egyptians from the
tyranny of the Beys, just as Gen. Maude wanted to rescue Iraq from the
tyranny of the Turks, just as George Bush Junior now wants to rescue the
Iraqis from the tyranny of President Saddam.

And always, Western invasions were accompanied by declarations that the
Americans or the French or just the West in general had nothing against
the Arabs, only against the beast- figure who was chosen as the target of
our military action.

So what happened to all these fine words? The Crusades were a
catastrophe for Christian- Muslim relations. Napoleon left Egypt in
humiliation. Britain dropped gas on the recalcitrant Kurds of Iraq before
discovering Iraq was ungovernable. Arabs, then Jews, drove the British
from Palestine and Jerusalem. The French fought years of insurrection in
Syria. In Lebanon, the Americans scuttled away in 1984, along with the
French.

And in Iraq in the coming months? What will be the price of our folly this
time, of our failure to learn the lessons of history? Only after the United
States has completed its occupation we shall find out. It is when the Iraqis
demand an end to that occupation, when popular resistance to the
American presence by the Shiites and the Kurds and even the Sunnis
begins to destroy the military “success” which President Bush will no
doubt proclaim when the first US troops enter Baghdad. It is then our real
“story” as journalists will begin.

It is then that all the empty words of colonial history, the need to topple
tyrants and dictators, to assuage the suffering of the people of the Middle
East, to claim that we and we only are the best friends of the Arabs, that
we and we only must help them, will unravel.

Here I will make a guess: In the months and years that follow the invasion
of Iraq, the US, in its arrogant assumption that it can create “democracy”
in the ashes of a Middle East dictatorship as well as take its oil, will suffer
the same as the British in Palestine. Of this tragedy, Winston Churchill
wrote, and his words are likely to apply to the US in Iraq: “At first, the
steps were wide and shallow, covered with a carpet, but in the end the
very stones crumbled under their feet.”





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