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Patience
By Mickey Z.
Online Journal Contributing Writer

"The cup of forbearance has been exhausted." - President James K. 
Polk, 1846

"This business about, you know, more time, how much time do we need 
to see clearly that he's not disarming? As I said, this looks like a 
rerun of a bad movie and I'm not interested in watching it." - 
President-Select George W. Bush, 2003

March 13, 2003 - When it comes to running out of patience, Dubya Bush 
is no K. Polk.

When Polk was elected in 1844, he had every intention of creating a 
pretext to stir Americans into action against Mexico. One of the 
issues of the 1844 election was the annexation or Texas-
or "reannexation," as Polk called it. Apparently, no one bothered to 
remind him that Texas was not part of the original Louisiana 
Purchase. When Mexico gained independence from Spain in 1821, the 
territory of Texas (along with what are now New Mexico, Arizona, 
Nevada, Utah, California, and part of Colorado) was Mexican 
territory. Fifteen years later, Texas claimed its independence as the 
Lone Star Republic. In Washington, it was viewed as U.S. property.

"Even before Polk's inauguration, Congress adopted a joint resolution 
on his proposal to annex Texas," explains historian Kenneth C. 
Davis. "When Mexico heard of this action in March 1845, it severed 
diplomatic relations with the United States." Undeterred, Polk sent 
an ambassador, James Slidell, to negotiate a purchase of Texas and 
California. Slidell was rebuffed.

Polk took a new tack and ordered General Zachary Taylor to lead his 
troops all the way to the Rio Grande, thus testing the defined 
borders. "Mexico claimed that the boundary was the Nueces River, 
northeast of the Rio Grande, and considered the advance of Taylor's 
troops an act of aggression," says Davis.

Colonel Ethan Allen Hitchcock, commander of the 3rd Infantry 
Regiment, said of this move, "It looks as if the government sent a 
small force on purpose to bring on a war, so as to have a pretext for 
taking California and as much of this country as it chooses."

The pretext arrived on cue when Polk ordered Taylor and his 3,500-
member "Army of observation" to cross the Rio Grande. Taylor's 
quartermaster, Colonel Cross went missing, his body found 11 days 
later with his skull crushed. The day after Cross' high-profile 
public funeral, a patrol of Taylor's soldiers was attacked by 
Mexicans. Sixteen were killed. Taylor sent a dispatch to 
Polk: "Hostilities may now be considered as commenced."

Declaring "the cup of forbearance" to have been exhausted, Polk 
announced to Congress, "War exists." 

"An agreeable Democratic majority in the House and Senate quickly 
voted - with little dissent from the Whig opposition - to expand the 
army by an additional 50,000 men. America's most naked war of 
territorial aggression was under way," Davis explains.

The peace-loving American nation had been goaded and now had no 
choice but to grudgingly commence what Ulysses S. Grant later 
called "one of the most unjust [wars] ever waged by a stronger 
against a weaker nation."

Speaking of unjust wars waged by the strong on the weak, Saddam 
Hussein has some experience with diplomatic impatience. On July 25, 
1990, Hussein entertained a guest at the Presidential Palace in 
Baghdad, U.S. Ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie, who told the Iraqi 
dictator: "I have direct instructions from President Bush to improve 
our relations with Iraq. We have considerable sympathy for your quest 
for higher oil prices, the immediate cause of your confrontation with 
Kuwait." Glaspie then asked, point blank: "Why are your troops massed 
so very close to Kuwait's borders?"

"As you know, for years now I have made every effort to reach a 
settlement on our dispute with Kuwait," replied Hussein, deploying 
his own rendition of U.S. spin. "There is to be a meeting in two 
days; I am prepared to give negotiations only this one more brief 
chance."

Do Ari Fleischer and Saddam Hussein share a speechwriter? On March 
10, 2003, when discussing yet another unjust war waged by the strong 
on the weak, Fleischer told the press: "There is room for diplomacy 
here. Not much room and not much time."

Back at the Iraqi presidential palace, when asked by Glaspie what 
solutions would be acceptable," Hussein was forthright: "If we could 
keep the whole of the Shatt al Arab - our strategic goal in our war 
with Iran - we will make concessions. But, if we are forced to choose 
between keeping half of the Shatt and the whole of Iraq (MZ: Hussein 
views Kuwait as part of Iraq) then we will give up all of the Shatt 
to defend our claims on Kuwait to keep the whole of Iraq in the shape 
we wish it to be. What is the United States' opinion on this?"

"We have no opinion on your Arab-Arab conflicts, such as your dispute 
with Kuwait," Glaspie answered. "Secretary [of State James] Baker has 
directed me to emphasize the instruction, first given to Iraq in the 
1960's that the Kuwait issue is not associated with America."

Eight days later, Iraq invaded Kuwait and provided President George 
H.W. Bush with his own cup of forbearance.

When will we run out of patience with the same re-runs?

*****

Regime Change: 1973 and 2003
Mickey Z.

On Monday, March 10, I was invited by the MIT Western Hemisphere 
Project (http://web.mit.edu/hemisphere/events/mz-kc.shtml) to give a 
talk entitled, "The Other 9/11: Henry Kissinger and U.S.-sponsored 
Terror in Chile." Thirty years after the September 11, 1973 coup in 
Chile, I discussed information made available in some 5000 documents 
declassified in 1999.

While the evening focused, for the most part, on Chile, it was 
necessary to place the toppling of Salvador Allende within the 
context of today's struggles. After all, what the U.S. did by 
replacing Allende with General
Augusto Pinochet would today be termed a "regime  hange." While 
activists in the mid-70s were prevented from knowing all the sordid 
details of the Chilean coup until 1999, can the same be said of us in 
2003?

Would Bush and Powell follow the same path Nixon and Kissinger did in 
1973 if Allende were elected this year? What would be different? 
Would the U.S. bother denying any knowledge of or complicity in the 
coup as they did in 1973? Ten days after the Allende government was 
overthrown, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Jack Kubisch told the 
House Subcommittee on Inter-American Affairs: "Gentlemen, I wish to 
state as flatly and as categorically as I possibly can that we did 
not have advance knowledge of the coup."

The documents declassified in 1999, of course, told a different 
story. A CIA document from the day before the coup stated 
bluntly, "The coup attempt will begin September 11." Ten days later, 
the Agency announced, "severe repression is planned." A Sept. 26 CIA 
document noted that, "twenty-seven cadavers were recovered from the 
Mapocho River in Santiago, some of which showed signs of torture and 
mutilation. The victims were low-ranking and working-class members of 
Popular Unity parties."

Opponents of the new regime who were not killed were gathered in 
soccer stadiums. A Sept. 28 State Department document detailed a 
request from Chile's new defense minister for Washington to send an 
expert advisor on detention centers because Chile was planning to 
hold 3000 people for at least a year.

That was Nixon and Kissinger behind closed doors in 1973. But, again, 
what if Allende were elected in 2003?

Based on their public posturing vis-�-vis Iraq, one might safely 
assume that Bush, Powell, Rumsfeld, Rice, and the rest would impose 
sanctions and announce the need for a "regime change" in Chile while 
brazenly threatening to "shock and awe" Santiago with 3000 cruise 
missiles in the first two or three days. The people of Chile would be 
told, candidly, that America was acting in their interests. Every 
man, woman, and child paying attention would be aware of the U.S. 
plan to occupy Chile with General Tommy Franks as de facto ruler. 
Finally, a $900 million US government contract for the rebuilding of 
infrastructure destroyed by US bombs and missiles will set American 
construction firms into furious competition.

In other words, the era of classified documents is over.

In today's heavily conditioned American society, our ruthless leaders 
needn't worry about something they say in private one day coming back 
to haunt them. Today's architects of war would merely paint Allende 
as the "next Stalin," Pinochet would hire a PR firm, and CNN would 
design a nifty "Showdown with Salvador" logo. A new moniker would be 
needed for The Red Hot Chili Peppers. Cartoon character Chilly Willy 
might become Free Willy.

In 2003, the policies of the U.S. government (and the corporations 
that own it) are carried out overtly, in plain sight... complete with 
press releases.

At my MIT lecture, I talked about the 1973 coup in Chile, an event 
cloaked in secrecy and obscured by Cold War paranoia. In 30 years, 
will others be holding meetings in an attempt to comprehend how we in 
2003 tolerated a society that made the Freedom of Information Act 
superfluous?


Mickey Z. is the author of The Murdering of My Years: Artists and 
Activists Making Ends Meet (www.murderingofmyyears.com) and an editor 
at Wide Angle
(www.wideangleny.com). He can be reached at:

[EMAIL PROTECTED]





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DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
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CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance�not soap-boxing�please!  These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'�with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds�is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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