-Caveat Lector-

December 21, 1998

Unconstitutional Wars Gravest Of Crimes
by House of Representatives, Republican Ron Paul of Texas.

Congress must reclaim from president power to declare war No proposition is more 
serious than placing in harms' way the lives of our nation's soldiers. Wars are 
instituted by governments, but it is the youth that pay the ultimate price.

It is for this reason that the Constitution speaks clearly about where the power for 
engaging troops in battle must rest. In Article 1, Section 8, the Constitution gives 
the power to "declare war, grant letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules 
concerning Captures on Land and Water" solely to the House of Representatives. The 
reason for this is clear; the House is the branch of the federal government closest to 
the people, standing for election the most often, and therefore the most accountable.

When our young men in uniform were sent into battle last week by the president 
(regardless of whether for honorable or dishonorable reasons), it was in direct 
contradiction to the United States Constitution, in keeping with the history of the 
past half-century.

Despite the thousands of Americans who have died in Korea, Vietnam, the Persian Gulf 
and other locales, there has not been a declared war since World War II. Each of those 
actions occurred without the constitutional requirement of a declaration of war. In 
reality many of our nation's young men died in the pitch of battle and war, but in the 
coldness of the law, they fell -- depending on the case -- in "police actions," 
"peacekeeping missions" or "support operations," with the authority usually coming 
from the United Nations, rather than the US Congress.

In what should be regarded as the gravest of all crimes, these citizens were sent to 
their deaths unconstitutionally. And, it should be noted, for actions we lost. We lost 
those wars simply because they were not matters of urgency in protecting our national 
security, but political battles waged to appease one interest group or another. 
Without the full resolve of Congress and a declaration of war to protect our security, 
our military must deal with such vague politically correct objectives as "reducing the 
ability" of a foreign leader to potentially do something. How does one define a 
"reduced ability," let alone bring such an objective to fruition?

It is commonly, but incorrectly, assumed that a president has the authority to send 
troops into battle, though under our Constitution, the highest law of the land, he 
does not.

Sadly, though, Congress has abdicated -- unconstitutionally -- its solemn 
responsibility in this matter. Members of Congress are eager to let presidents drop 
bombs on foreign nations for many reasons, though the underlying one is that it 
relieves them of personal responsibility while giving each a sense of strength and 
power.

An attempt was made to rectify this situation in the early 1970s, with the 
introduction of the War Powers Act, following the Korea and Vietnam fiascoes. The 
legislation originally would have moved us closer to the Constitution. What passed, 
however, has made things far worse in the intervening 25 years. Now the law allows 
presidents to send troops into any battle, anywhere, for any reason, without Congress 
having any chance to voice even opposition until long after lives have been endangered.

Under the War Powers Act, a president can send troops into battle to honor a UN 
request or to divert attention from personal problems.

Often, of course, the military industrial complex and their allies in Congress push 
for meaningless resolutions supporting the action, even if the action is objectively 
wrong. Remember, these are not war declarations, but resolutions rubber stamping 
presidential actions. The rhetoric used, then , is that one must vote for these 
resolutions to "support the troops."

Never addressed, of course, is the absurdity of how one can "support" soldiers by 
sending them into unconstitutional battles where they will die for causes other than 
protecting our security interests.

Most recently, the Congress interrupted the important impeachment debate to pass a 
two-part resolution. The first half simply offered support for our troops, and was 
unobjectionable. The second half, though, encouraged the president, praised his 
unconstitutional actions, and recommended that he engage in further unconstitutional 
actions by trying to topple the leadership of Iraq and replace it with what would 
amount to a US taxpayer supported puppet regime. Of course, voting against the second 
part is depicted as the fans of unconstitutional war as opposing our troops. 
Nevertheless, I voted against the resolution because I cannot sanction abuses of our 
Constitution.

Congress should support the troops by taking them out of senseless danger, not 
encouraging a soon-to-be impeached president to risk further the lives of enlisted men.

The gravest crime against our Constitution is the one never addressed: the senseless 
slaughter of our soldiers, our best and brightest. Perhaps one day Congress will 
reclaim its constitutionally mandated power of sole authority over matters of war. 
Until then, more young men will die senseless deaths.
----------------------
-iNFoWaRZ
There is no Declaration of War by Congress and Resolution put forth under the auspices 
of the War Powers Act is not only meaningless, but illegal, and an abdictation of 
authority and dereliction of duty by a criminal Congress.

The War Powers Act is illegal:

"All laws which are repugnant to the Constitution are null and void."
- Marbury vs. Madison, 5 US (2Cranch) 137, 174, 176, (1803)

"An unconstitutional act is not law; it confers no rights; it imposes no duties; 
affords no protection; it creates no office; it is in legal contemplation, as 
inoperative as though it had never been passed."
- Norton vs. Shelby County, 118 US 425 p. 442

The general rule is that an unconstitutional statute, though having the form and name 
of law, is in reality no law, but is wholly void, and ineffective for any purpose; 
since unconstitutionality dates from the time of its enactment, and not merely from 
the date of the decision so branding it. "No one is bound to obey an unconstitutional 
law and no courts are bound to enforce it."
- 16 Am Jur 2d, Sec 177 late 2d, Sec 256

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