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The KKK and Vietnamese Fishermen

By Andrew Chin
>From DIVERSTORY (working title) (Frank Wu, ed., forthcoming 2002)

In the early 1980s, an unusual legal argument, combining civil rights,
antitrust, and contract laws, persuaded a federal court in Texas to
disband a private army of white supremacists and safeguard a vulnerable
community of Vietnamese refugees.

America's involvement in the Vietnam War had left millions of Vietnam's
civilians dead and its land in ruins. A sustained, indiscriminate campaign of
bombardment and depopulation led Martin Luther King, Jr. to observe in
1967: "We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family
and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. . . . We have
corrupted their women and children and killed their men." When the
United States finally withdrew from Vietnam in 1975, the Hanoi government
sought to redress its wartime grievances and to restore order by
persecuting its wartime adversaries. Many of the South Vietnamese who
had fought alongside the Americans came under pressure to flee to the
countryside or to leave the country altogether. In early 1978, the
Communists extended their repression to the ethnic Chinese of both
North and South Vietnam.

Between 1975 and 1983, thousands of Vietnamese refugees crowded into
unseaworthy boats bound for Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Hong Kong and
the Phillipines, and faced storms, starvation, disease, and piracy in the
South China Sea. Statistical data suggest that half of the Vietnamese "boat
people" died at sea. At a June 1979 United Nations conference on the
growing humanitarian crisis, the United States, Australia, Canada and
France agreed to resettle a total of nearly 700,000 Vietnamese refugees.

In the United States, immigration agents asked Congress to scatter the
incoming refugees across the country in order to prevent "ghettoism." This
resettlement policy led to the creation of Vietnamese communities in
states such as Texas that had relatively little previous experience with
Asian Americans. In Texas, many of the new arrivals, facing language
barriers and having little capital, found opportunity in the Gulf Coast
shrimping industry. "We like the weather, we like the shrimping, we like a
chance to start our own businesses," one immigrant explained. Vietnamese
fishermen and their families pooled their savings and began to buy their
own boats.

Many white fishermen in the area tried to ward off the competitive threat.
Vietnamese shrimpers found that they could purchase their boats only at a
considerable premium. "They got hustled pretty good," said an American
shrimper. The American fishermen pressured most of the local bait shops
to boycott the Vietnamese shrimpers. They also successfully lobbied in the
state legislature for restrictions on new shrimp boat licenses.

Undeterred, the Vietnamese fishermen thrived in the shrimping industry by
working longer and harder than their white counterparts. "They put all
their children and aunts and uncles on the boats, and if they make $10 in
profit a day, they're ahead," said another white fisherman. Some whites
felt that they were being forced to lower their standard of living to that of
the new arrivals. Many presumed, falsely, that their Vietnamese
competitors were being subsidized by welfare grants from the government.
Others considered the Vietnamese fishermen's aggressive practices, such
as following their competitors' boats to a catch, and unloading their boats
across other boats' decks, to be unethical and unfair.

The changing economics of shrimping made the competition even fiercer.
The increase in fishing activity in Galveston Bay reduced the available
catch, while a rise in imports kept wholesale prices low. Faced with this
profit squeeze, many longtime shrimpers went out of business. Others
tried to compete by streamlining and cutting costs. Some, however, took
more drastic measures.

Between 1979 and 1981, several Vietnamese-owned shrimp boats were
burned in the Galveston Bay area - fires that arson investigators later
determined had been intentionally set. There were also reports of snipers
firing shots across the bows of Vietnamese boats. On the night of August 3,
1979, in the town of Seadrift, several Vietnamese boats were burned and a
vacant Vietnamese house was firebombed, and a fistfight between white
and Vietnamese fishermen ended with the fatal shooting of a white
crabber. Two Vietnamese were tried for murder and acquitted on the
grounds of self-defense.

The incident caused many whites to mistrust the entire Vietnamese
community. Some mistook the refugees for the North Vietnamese
communists they had fought and fled. Others understood that the
refugees had been America's wartime allies, but still felt that they should
be forced to leave the area. "There's too many of them," a white fisherman
declared, "and there's not enough room for them and there's going to be
lots of hard feelings if they don't get some of them out of here and teach
the ones that they leave how to act and how to get along. I think they
ought to be put on a reservation somewhere or . . . in a compound to
teach them our laws and our ways, the way we live, our courtesy as a
people."

On February 14, 1981, a group of white fishermen organized a rally against
the Vietnamese fishermen. Also attending the rally were Louis Beam, Grand
Dragon of the Texas Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, and thirteen uniformed
members of the Klan's military arm, the 2,500- member Texas Emergency
Reserve. Beam told the white fishermen that he would give the
government until May 15, the start of the shrimping season, to remove the
Vietnamese fishermen from the area, and that if this was not
accomplished, the Klan would "take laws into our own hands." Later, Beam
also demonstrated how to burn a boat, and issued an invitation to those
present: "The Ku Klux Klan is more than willing to select out of the ranks
of American fishermen some of your more hardy souls and send them
through our training camps. And when you come out of that, they'll be
ready for the Vietnamese." The rally was extensively covered by the local
news media.

The Klan took its message directly to the Vietnamese fishermen on March
15. A group of armed, hooded Klansmen and Texas Emergency Reserve
members, accompanied by a news reporter, conducted a "boat parade" in
the waters near Seabrook, stopping along the way to display their weapons
and to make threatening gestures. An effigy of a Vietnamese fisherman was
hung from the rear deck. The parade was seen by Vietnamese fishermen
and their families on the docks and other boats in the channel.

About Morris Dees

As a young boy in Alabama, Morris Dees learned from his father to respect
the African Americans who worked on the family's farm. But in 1960, when
Dees graduated from law school, he was more interested in building his
small book-publishing business than in fighting for racial equality.

In time, Dees became increasingly involved in the emerging civil rights
movement. He donated cash to help rebuild the Sixteenth Street Baptist
Church in Birmingham after a 1963 bombing killed four young girls there,
and drove volunteers to Selma to join the 1965 march for voting rights.

After a long night of soul-searching in 1967, Dees sold his company for $6
million and began a full-time career in civil rights law. In 1971, with partner
Joe Levin, Dees co- founded the Southern Poverty Law Center in
Montgomery. The center supports a team of attorneys who specialize in
lawsuits involving civil rights violations and racially motivated crimes.

The center has recently gained national attention for its strategy of
attacking white supremacist organizations through their treasuries. In 1987,
the center helped the family of an African American teenager lynched in
Mobile, Ala. to win a $7 million judgment against United Klans of America,
bankrupting that organization. The center also won a $12.5 million verdict
against the White Aryan Resistance in 1990, a $37.8 million verdict against
the South Carolina Christian Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in 1998, and a $6.3
million verdict against the Aryan Nations in 2000.

The center also supports various national education efforts, including
reports on the activities of extremist groups and the incidence of hate
crimes, and providing teaching materials on the civil rights movement and
ongoing struggles against discrimination. In 1989, six thousand people
attended the dedication of the national Civil Rights Memorial, which was
erected in front of the center's offices. The monument, designed by Maya
Lin, records the names of 40 people who lost their lives during the
movement and bears one of Martin Luther King Jr.'s favorite quotations
from the Book of Amos: ". . . until justice rolls down like waters and
righteousness like a mighty stream." Morris Dees and the Southern Poverty
Law Center have marshaled the power of the law and the legitimacy of the
courts to continue Dr. King's legacy.
In Montgomery, Alabama, Morris Dees, a civil rights attorney, was
monitoring the Klan's activity. He and his law partner Joseph Levin had
founded the Southern Poverty Law Center in 1971 to enforce the new laws
and rights that had been won by the civil rights movement (see sidebar).
Dees was convinced that he could halt the Klan's activities in Galveston Bay
by proving in court that Beam and his associates had broken the law.

On April 16, 1981, Dees filed a wide-ranging lawsuit on behalf of the
Vietnamese fishermen against the Klan, Beam, and various other Klansmen
and alleged conspirators in the federal district court for the Southern
District of Texas. The Vietnamese fishermen sought a court order to
prevent the Klan's threatened campaign of intimidation and violence during
the 1981 shrimping season. As in many civil rights lawsuits, the plaintiffs
pursued claims under the federal civil rights statutes, the Thirteenth and
Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, and the
common law of contracts and torts. Dees also alleged that the Klan had
violated two laws that have rarely been considered part of the civil rights
arsenal: the 1890 Sherman Antitrust Act and an even older Texas statute
prohibiting the operation of private armies.

The judge assigned to the case, Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, had been
appointed by President Jimmy Carter in 1979. She was the first African
American in Texas and the third African American woman in the nation to
serve in the federal judiciary. After learning that Judge McDonald was an
African American, Beam asked her to disqualify herself for bias, referring to
her as a "Negress" and citing the prejudice of "your people against the
Klansmen." Noting that a defendant "is not entitled to a judge of his
choice, he is only entitled to a fair and impartial judge," Judge McDonald
denied Beam's request. Judge McDonald would later reveal that she and
her family had received death threats and one-way tickets to Africa while
she was handling the case.

During a highly publicized four-day trial, several of the Vietnamese
fishermen, facing into an audience that included several robed Klansmen,
took the stand to testify. Judge McDonald also heard testimony from the
defendants, law enforcement officials, and the reporter who had
accompanied the Klan on the March 15 boat ride. On May 14, the last day
of trial, the court issued a preliminary injunction prohibiting the
defendants from threatening, intimidating, or harassing the Vietnamese
fishermen or inciting others to do likewise.

The shrimping season began the next day. Dees, rising early to watch the
boats leave the harbor, saw flashes of sunlight reflecting off the badges of
the U.S. marshals who had been assigned to protect the Vietnamese
fishermen. "I felt proud, not only to be a lawyer, but I felt proud to be an
American," Dees said. The Vietnamese worked all summer without
harassment from the Klan.

In July, Judge McDonald issued a written opinion explaining the legal
reasoning behind her decision to issue the May 14 injunction. She decided
that the Vietnamese fishermen's claims under the civil rights laws were
"clearly" supported by evidence that the Klan had deprived the plaintiffs of
their basic rights under Texas contract law and federal antitrust law.

Judge McDonald found that the trial evidence showed that the Klan had
interfered with their rights under Texas law to negotiate and enter into
contracts. She concluded that the Klan had "acted intentionally to impede
and prevent the plaintiffs from pursuing their lawful occupation," and that
as a result, many of the Vietnamese fishermen had agreed to sell their
boats or had been discouraged from shrimping.

Judge McDonald's opinion extensively addressed the plaintiffs' claims under
Section 1 of the Sherman Act. That statute prohibits "[e]very contract,
combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint
of trade or commerce among the several States." The federal antitrust
statutes are typically invoked to challenge anticompetitive business
transactions, but Judge McDonald found them applicable to the Klan's
conduct.

"It is well established that joint collaborative action designed to eliminate a
class of competitors ready and able to compete is a violation of section 1
of the Sherman Act. Section 1 has been held to apply to an unlawful
boycott occasioned by coercion, threats and intimidation. Moreover,
courts have found that foreclosing and eliminating competitors from a
substantial portion of the market is per se illegal. . . .

"[T]he evidence . . . reveal[ed] that the defendants agreed to engage in
conduct which had the stated intent of eliminating a class of competitors
from the commercial fishing business in Galveston Bay. This type of
anticompetitive conduct is not likely to be condoned under Section 1 of
the Sherman Act."

Vietnamese Fishermen's Association v. Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, 518 F.
Supp. 993, 1010 (S.D. Texas 1981).
Judge McDonald cited the U.S. Supreme Court's statement that a violation
of Section 1 of the Sherman Act may be established by proof of "either an
unlawful purpose or an anticompetitive effect." The Vietnamese fishermen
had alleged that the Klan had attempted to intimidate them into selling off
their boats with the purpose and effect of reducing competition in the
shrimping market in the Kemah-Seabrook area. Judge McDonald found from
the trial evidence that the defendants had "agreed to engage in conduct
which had the stated intent of eliminating a class of competitors from the
commercial fishing business in Galveston Bay." She held that there was
sufficient proof of an unlawful purpose and an anticompetitive effect to
support the grant of a preliminary injunction. In August, without objection
from the Klan, the court made the injunction permanent.

In March 1982, Judge McDonald heard oral arguments on the remaining
issue of whether the Klan's military operations violated the state's
prohibition on private armies. The Texas statute prohibits individuals from
associating as a military company or organization and from parading in
public with firearms in any city or town. The Klan argued that their military
activities were a legitimate exercise of their right to bear arms under the
Second Amendment. Judge McDonald, however, found that Texas's ban on
private armies was consistent with the Second Amendment's purpose of
allowing states to maintain a "well-regulated militia." On June 9, 1982, the
court issued a permanent injunction ordering the Texas Emergency
Reserve to disband and prohibiting the Klan from maintaining military
organizations, conducting military training, and parading in public with
firearms. The injunction was posted in conspicuous locations throughout
the Kemah-Seabrook area.

In recent years, the federal courts have limited the ability of private
plaintiffs to bring antitrust cases under the Sherman Act and made it
harder to prove that a defendant's actions had an anticompetitive effect.
Generally, the federal courts have also narrowed their use of injunctions
to enforce the civil rights laws. Thus, even though Dees's unorthodox
strategy of using business laws to provide the necessary legal support for a
civil rights injunction succeeded in this case, it is unclear whether the
same approach would prevail today.
Forwarded for your information.  The text and intent of the article
have to stand on their own merits.
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Then accept it and live up to it." The Buddha on Belief,
from the Kalama Sutra

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