-Caveat Lector-

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/iraq/battle/la-war-
intel28mar28,1,3119600.story?coll=la%2Dhome%2Dheadlines
Plan's Defect: No Defectors

The U.S. has failed to pry Iraqi leaders away from Saddam Hussein. The
miscalculated effort could prolong the war, some officials say.

By Bob Drogin and Greg Miller
Times Staff Writers

March 28, 2003

WASHINGTON -- A highly publicized U.S. campaign to persuade senior Iraqi
military and civilian leaders to surrender has failed to produce any
significant defections, and U.S. intelligence officials have concluded that
those closest to President Saddam Hussein are unlikely to give up.

The effort now appears to be one of several miscalculations in a high-
stakes U.S. strategy to use bombing, secret contacts and inducements --
including cash payments -- to key Iraqi leaders to quickly overthrow
Hussein.

"We underestimated their capacity to put up resistance," said a Bush
administration official who requested anonymity. "We underestimated the
role of nationalism. And we overestimated the appeal of liberation."

U.S. officials note that the war is just a week old, and they say that the
sentiment among Iraqi military leaders could change quickly if Hussein's
forces around Baghdad are routed by American-led troops.

But a U.S. intelligence official said no cracks have appeared in Hussein's
command structure as U.S.-led British troops fight their way toward the
capital.

"I think the inner circle are in it for the long haul," the intelligence official
said Thursday. The estimated two dozen members of Hussein's inner
command include his two sons, Uday and Qusai, other members of his
extended family and ruling Arab Socialist Baath Party stalwarts who have
survived numerous purges.

The U.S. effort to encourage defections, run jointly by the Pentagon and
the CIA, has been scaled back sharply since last weekend. "The
negotiations went nowhere," said a former senior CIA official. "All of them
have proved futile."

He and other experts on Iraq said using telephones, cell phones and e-mail
or relying on Iraqi defectors to contact senior Iraqi officials was
problematic from the start because Hussein's secret police and spy
services tightly monitor electronic communications in the country.

The former official and others willing to talk about the effort requested
anonymity because of the sensitive topic.

The effort may have had a second goal, they said. It might have also been
designed to cast suspicion on Hussein loyalists in hopes of sowing top-level
turmoil. Hussein has imprisoned or killed anyone suspected of disloyalty in
the past, and he crushed two coup attempts backed by the CIA in the mid-
1990s.

A CIA spokesman said that reaching out to Iraqi officials to put them under
suspicion indicates "an active imagination," but he declined to comment
further. Nor would he comment on whether Hussein or his aides might
have used the contacts to mislead U.S. officials.

In the Afghanistan war, the CIA disbursed millions of dollars in cash to buy
information or loyalty from local warlords. Intelligence officials declined to
say what they have offered to Iraqi leaders, but they made it clear that
they are prepared to cut deals.

"The principal inducement is not killing them," one U.S. official said. But he
confirmed that cash payments and other inducements are on the table. "If
it's determined that's what it's going to take to get some commander to
have a large chunk of troops lay down their arms, that would be a price
worth paying."

Nathaniel Kern, an Arabist who has visited Iraq repeatedly and knows a
number of Iraqi officials, said a plan that relies on Iraqi defectors using cell
phones to call Iraqi officials to negotiate surrender is absurd.

"Over the years, any Iraqi officials I've been in contact with call me on the
phone only when they're outside of Iraq," said Kern, who heads a
Washington-based consulting firm. "They won't go into questions of
substance in e-mail. They say, 'Merry Christmas,' and if [I] come back and
say, 'Happy New Year, how's life in Baghdad?' -- no reply."

The CIA and the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency have spent years
profiling the Iraqi military and government leadership, seeking
vulnerabilities and signs of disloyalty.

"You try to build a database on all those people, what their likes and
dislikes are, whether their family is interested in leaving the country," a
military intelligence official said. "Some people's dossiers might be three
pages long, sometimes it's just a paragraph."

The profiles are built on scraps of data from a distance, the official said.
"It's really difficult to tell beforehand who's going to be receptive or not."

In recent weeks, White House, Pentagon and State Department officials
repeatedly publicized their effort to reach out to Iraqi leaders through
calls and e-mail, as well as with speeches by President Bush, the airdrop of
more than 25 million leaflets and round-the-clock, Arabic-language radio
broadcasts on five frequencies.

U.S. officials say the operation included clandestine meetings in and near
Baghdad between Iraqi officials and operatives from Syrian and Saudi
intelligence services who were among those acting as U.S. surrogates.

Sen. John D. "Jay" Rockefeller IV (D-W.Va.), vice chairman of the Senate
Intelligence Committee, said face-to-face meetings "continue to a certain
degree" but appear less likely to produce major defections or surrenders
with each passing day.

He also questioned the Pentagon's leaflet drops over Iraq.

"We're still committing substantial numbers of flights to leaflets,"
Rockefeller said. "I'm beginning to ask the question why, because it doesn't
seem to be working."

It's unclear how many of the approximately 4,500 Iraqis now in allied
custody surrendered because of the U.S. appeals and how many were
captured in battle. In the 1991 Persian Gulf War, more than 80,000 Iraqi
troops surrendered or were captured in the U.S.-led coalition's 100-hour
ground assault.

Current and former intelligence officials criticize the Pentagon for overly
optimistic assessments and predictions of how Iraqis would respond to a
U.S. invasion.

Judith Yaphe, the chief CIA analyst on Iraq during the Gulf War, said the
Pentagon this time relied on overly optimistic assessments and predictions
from Iraqi opposition groups in exile, particularly the London-based Iraqi
National Congress. The CIA, she and current officials said, has been more
skeptical of such claims.

"It was a fantasy," said Yaphe, who teaches at the National Defense
University in Washington. "They had a strategic vision that we would face
no opposition, that everyone would surrender, that Iraqis would throw
rose petals and rice, and people would welcome us as conquering
liberators. Clearly those judgments were not based on reality."

A current intelligence official

offered a similar assessment.

"The intelligence community was not overly optimistic at all," said the
official, who is involved in discussions on Iraq.

"There was very healthy debate on all the key issues: Who's going to hold
together? Who's going to defect? Who's going to fight?"

But the official said many in the analytical community were convinced that
administration hawks had little interest in hearing pessimistic assessments.
Some were also concerned that CIA Director George J. Tenet and others
appeared more focused on helping the White House make the case for war
than on calling attention to potential problems.

Less clear is whether the CIA misjudged a tip from an informant in Baghdad
that Hussein and his sons would be sleeping at Dora Farm, a heavily
guarded compound belonging to Hussein's daughter, Hala, near Baghdad
University. The war began when U.S. forces attacked the site before dawn
March 20 with "bunker-buster" bombs and Tomahawk missiles.

The CIA spokesman insisted Thursday that the report that Hussein was at
Dora Farm was "as ironclad as you can get" and that "not a shred of doubt"
has challenged that view within the agency. He said the CIA still has not
concluded that Hussein is alive, despite his repeated appearances on Iraqi
television.

Some experts on Iraq remain skeptical, however, noting that the Clinton
administration fired a volley of cruise missiles at the same compound -- also
relying on intelligence that Hussein was there -- at the outset of
Operation Desert Fox, a 70-hour bombing campaign in December 1998.
Neither Hussein nor his daughter was present at the time, Iraqi officials
said later.

A former intelligence official said the Dora Farm complex is about 700 yards
long and 300 yards wide. It sits on a sandy alluvial plain on a sliver of land
that juts into the Tigris River. Before the war, Hussein often kept his
presidential yacht at a nearby dock.

High walls surround the eastern corner of the compound. Inside are five
major villas and about 10 smaller buildings used as barracks, guard posts
and supply depots by members of the Special Security Organization, the
Special Republican Guard and other security teams.

Sen. Rockefeller insists that the CIA had "a real target of opportunity."

But Rockefeller faulted the Bush administration for counting on the
intense bombing that followed the first night's airstrike to provide the
leverage to get Iraqi leaders to switch sides.

"There was such faith in 'shock and awe' it led to the conclusion it had to
be a terribly short war," he said. "I think we're in for a much longer haul
than we expected."

Times staff writer Sonni Efron contributed to this report.

If you want other stories on this topic, search the Archives at
latimes.com/archives.


Click here for article licensing and reprint options





Copyright 2003 Los Angeles Times
Forwarded for your information.  The text and intent of the article
have to stand on their own merits.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, this material
is distributed without charge or profit to those who have
expressed a prior interest in receiving this type of information
for non-profit research and educational purposes only.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
"Do not believe in anything simply because you have heard it. Do
not believe simply because it has been handed down for many genera-
tions.  Do not believe in anything simply because it is spoken and
rumoured by many.  Do not believe in anything simply because it is
written in Holy Scriptures.  Do not believe in anything merely on
the authority of teachers, elders or wise men.  Believe only after
careful observation and analysis, when you find that it agrees with
reason and is conducive to the good and benefit of one and all.
Then accept it and live up to it." The Buddha on Belief,
from the Kalama Sutra

<A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/";>www.ctrl.org</A>
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!  These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
Archives Available at:
http://peach.ease.lsoft.com/archives/ctrl.html
 <A HREF="http://peach.ease.lsoft.com/archives/ctrl.html";>Archives of
[EMAIL PROTECTED]</A>

http://archive.jab.org/[EMAIL PROTECTED]/
 <A HREF="http://archive.jab.org/[EMAIL PROTECTED]/">ctrl</A>
========================================================================
To subscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SUBSCRIBE CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

To UNsubscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SIGNOFF CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Om

Reply via email to