-Caveat Lector-

Embedded ... or in bed with the Pentagon?

http://www.sundayherald.com/32499


By Marion McKeone in New York and Martin Patience


It was the second day of the second Gulf war. Veteran CNN newscaster
Aaron Brown, concluding a sober presentation of the risks that lay ahead
for the US military, cuts to a segment from Kyra Phillips who is an
'embedded' reporter on an aircraft carrier in the Gulf. Phillips announces
that a squadron of fighter pilots would be taking off from the carrier
shortly and tells Brown: 'We're all really excited.' Then she tells him she
has arranged for all the pilots to wave at him from their aircraft. 'OK, now
guys!' she shouts. 'A big wave for Aaron, a big thumbs up for CNN.' Amid
some shaky camera work the outlines of pilots can be discerned. 'Look,
look Aaron,' she continues, almost breathless with excitement, 'they're
waving at you.'

The segment cuts back to the CNN studio before Brown can suppress the
discomfort on his face. 'Er, that was Kyra Phillips,' he concludes.

Moments later another report is filed by Walter Rodgers, who is embedded
with the 7th Cavalry . Rodgers, who makes no pretence at objective
reporting, announces that a US wall of steel is sweeping over southern
Iraq. 'The march to Baghdad has begun,' he thunders, before urging any
Iraqi soldiers on the road ahead to surrender immediately.

Within hours, Rodgers's assessment of the situation would be proven
woefully incorrect.

As television stations beam unprecedented 24-hour coverage of the war
across the globe, some academics and journalists are questioning the
objectivity of the media's coverage and in particular the role of embedded
reporters -- journalists who are invited to travel, sleep and eat with army
forces and provide on-the-spot reports of how the military is faring.

Dr David Miller, of Stirling University, sees most of the 900 embedded
journalists in Iraq as unwitting cogs in the 'Pentagon propaganda machine'.

'The aim is to make journalists drink from the same pool so that they
identify with the military more closely than ever before,' he said.

'When a BBC journalist gives a report to camera in Baghdad, we always hear
that it is subject to Iraqi monitoring, but we never hear that about the
British or American military which is doing the same thing.

'The military is literally lying through their teeth about everything for
propaganda purposes. The Pentagon does not want independent
journalists operating in the area and this is one of the main reasons that it
has allowed embedded reporters.'

This suggestion, however, was rejected by Vin Ray, BBC's deputy head of
news gathering, who said that while there is a deep suspicion that
journalists are being censored 'this hasn't been the case so far'.

He said: 'Certainly, during the first Gulf war we were heavily reliant on
military briefings and aired a tremendous amount of video footage. There
was a strong feeling afterwards that we had been taken for a bit of a ride.
This time round that is not the case.'

The introduction of embedded reporters was the brainchild of the
Pentagon and was generally welcomed by media organisations which
complained that they were denied access to the Kuwaiti battlegrounds of
the first Gulf war in 1991. Journalists were almost totally dependent on
what information the military fed them and could not verify accounts
independently. It was only after the war, for example, that it was revealed
that precision-guided munitions formed just a small part of the Allies'
arsenal.

A spokesman for the Ministry of Defence said that embedded journalists
were only subject to censorship if their reports jeopardised operational
security such as giving a unit's position away.

Clarence Page, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist for the Chicago Tribune,
said that attempts to curb the media are nothing new.

'The military realised the importance of the media after the debacle in
Vietnam and now they are far more streetwise. When I worked as a military
journalist during the Vietnam conflict, my primary job was not to inform
the public, and I was reminded in so many words by various commanders.
But there were other reporters roaming about getting stories that the US
military did not want to get out.

'I don't think there is a problem with embedded journalists as long as it's
only one part of the source of news. There is an element of camaraderie
when you're under fire together and suffering the same hardships.

'At times I'm reminded of the film Apocalypse Now, where there's the
scene when a director is urging the soldiers to move along quickly and not
look at the camera.'

As a consequence of the Vietnam conflict, only 29 journalists were allowed
to accompany the military to cover the Falklands war in 1982. There were
no independent facilities for reporting. The American administration
espoused a similar policy when it invaded Grenada in 1983 and Panama in
1989.

Michael Stott, Reuters editor for Europe, the Middle East and Africa,
agreed that an over- dependency on embedded reporters could seriously
affect the objectivity of coverage.

'While we certainly have a greater access to the military, the main thing is
to be aware that we are only seeing snippets of the battlefield and that is
only part of the overall picture,' he said.

Professor Greg Philo, from Glasgow University's communication department,
added that journalists are only too aware that they are under greater
scrutiny then ever. 'Journalists are incredibly aware of spin,' he said. 'They
are incredibly sensitive to charges that they are merely cheerleaders for
the armed forces.'
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