-Caveat Lector-

http://www.independent.org/tii/news/030401Eland.html
Bush’s Early Blunders in the War
Are Downplayed by the American Media

By Ivan Eland*

Although Arabic television networks may well be overemphasizing the
civilian carnage in Iraq, the American media is just as obligingly de-
emphasizing it as they underplay the early mistakes of U.S. and British
forces. For starters, although their cause is in dispute, the explosions in
the two Iraqi markets that killed 17 and 50-plus civilians—so far, two of the
highest one-time death tolls of the war—were certainly newsworthy, but
received only modest attention. This should alert an informed observer to
the possibility that the American media are downplaying other
uncomfortable facts in the military campaign.

Although we’ve heard whisperings from official Washington that the civilian
leaders at the
Pentagon—many of whom have had no prior military experience—may have
underestimated the enemy, the extent of that bungling has been glossed
over in the press. When invading any country, regardless of its military
capabilities on paper, a key question becomes whether the population will
support or oppose the invading forces. The Bush administration may have
deluded itself about how much the Iraqis might love the U.S. imposition by
force of a restricted form of democracy and self-determination. Although
hawks would like to pass off the fierce resistance encountered to
Saddam’s most loyal thugs or people fighting because those thugs are
holding a gun to their heads, evidence trickling in suggests that many
Iraqis, including anti-Saddam Shiites, regard U.S. forces as invaders rather
than liberators.

Exporting democracy at the point of a gun is like a persistent telemarketer
repeatedly
calling at dinnertime; even if the product is great, you are in no mood to
buy it when your privacy has been involuntarily violated. In the long-term,
the will of Iraqis to resist could create the conditions for a guerrilla war
long after the major battles are won (à la the second war in Chechnya). In
the short-term, the battle for Baghdad could be intense and costly.

With even a remote possibility of a hostile population, Secretary of
Defense Rumsfeld’s
insistence on sending only 170,000 ground forces to subdue a country the
size of California was folly. Of course, an overconfident Bush administration
didn’t believe the Iraqis would fight back and had no back-up if they did.
This episode is reminiscent of Kosovo, where the Clinton administration
had no “Plan B” if bombing didn’t bring Milosevic to heel (it didn’t). In an
episode of excessive civilian intrusion into military planning similar to
Hitler’s disregard of sound military advice from his generals and the
Johnson administration’s micromanagement of the Vietnam War, defense
insiders say that Rumsfeld ignored early advice from the military that larger
and heavier ground forces would be needed for the invasion. At the very
least, he should have had heavier forces on the Iraqi border ready to race
in if things went bad (the arrival of most heavy forces is weeks away and
cannot help but slow all-important momentum and strengthen the Iraqi will
to fight).

What has happened in Basra may be indicative of what will happen in the
fight for Baghdad.
Small numbers of guerrilla fighters and a fractured Iraqi military unit have
held the British at bay for longer than expected. Baghdad is larger, heavily
defended by elite forces and Iraq’s most important metropolis. Even with
reinforcements, U.S. forces may have trouble taking the capital city. As
the experience in Basra shows, urban terrain acts as a tremendous force
multiplier for even weak forces.

If the fight for Baghdad is intense, high U.S. or Iraqi civilian casualties
could occur and the
war could be dragged out—thus eroding U.S. public support for the
conflict (Saddam’s strategy for surviving). The overconfidence of the Bush
administration also led to the elementary mistake of neglecting to guard
vulnerable supply lines. Throughout military history, armies have realized
that attacking supply lines in the adversary’s rear has the same effect as
taking on heavily armed forces directly, but is safer. After all, a tank that
runs out of gas and ammunition is just as ineffective as one that has been
destroyed. Thus, U.S. troops have been left short on food and fuel and
exposed to attacks from virtually every direction.

In addition, an old political adage seems to have escaped the
administration: dealing with a
foreign policy crisis can’t get you reelected, but it can get you defeated.
LBJ and Carter met their demise because of bungled military operations.
And Bush need only look to his father and Winston Churchill to find
politicians who were thrown out of office even after winning resounding
military victories.

Perhaps the Bush administration can overcome the early blunders to win
its preventative
war and reelection, but it will be an uphill battle given the high
expectations of the administration’s own making. And blunders they are,
even if the U.S. media is doing its “patriotic duty” by downplaying them.






*Ivan Eland is Senior Fellow and Director of the Center on Peace & Liberty
at The Independent Institute in Oakland, Calif., and author of the book,
Putting "Defense" Back into U.S. Defense Policy: Rethinking U.S. Security in
the Post-Cold War World. For further articles and studies, see the War on
Terrorism.
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