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Dubya goes to Auschwitz
Mickey Z.
Online Journal Contributing Writer

June 3, 2003 - Top Gun Dubya is at it again. In a visit to Poland,
President [sic] Bush compared the Nazi invasion of Poland and the
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor to 9/11 . . . and managed to use
these examples to bolster his case for "preemptive strikes." He
said: "Aggression and evil intent must not be ignored or appeased.
They must be opposed early and decisively."

Speechwriters for the Fuhrer and Emperor are surely consulting
copyright lawyers.

Predictably, Bush also used his trip to invoke images of WWII,
calling the gas chambers of Auschwitz and Birkenau a "reminder of the
power of evil and the need for people to resist evil."

There is no more effective way to sell his war on (non-U.S.-
sponsored) terror than to exploit the Good War vibe . . . and there
is no better way to neutralize this spurious effort than to expose
the truth about America and the Holocaust.

If there was ever a litmus test for discerning a good war from a bad
war, history provided it during WWII. Indeed, the most frequently
evoked after-the-fact rationale for the deadliest war in history
being labeled a moral battle was the Allies' supposed aim to stop the
Nazi Holocaust.

Hitler's "final solution" took the lives of roughly 6 million Jews
along with millions more Slavs, Eastern Europeans, Roma, homosexuals,
labor leaders, and suspected communists. If decency played any role,
the U.S. would have taken action against Germany some time during the
1930s. Howard Zinn explains that simply "the plight of Jews in German-
occupied Europe, which many people thought was at the heart of the
war against the Axis, was not a concern to Roosevelt . . . [who]
failed to take steps that might have saved thousands of lives. He did
not see it as a high priority."

As Benjamin V. Cohen, an advisor to FDR, later commented, "When you
are in a dirty war, some will suffer more than others . . . Things
ought to have been different, but war is different, and we live in an
imperfect world."

Swirling around the subject of the Holocaust in our "imperfect world"
are many questions. Who knew about Hitler's plan and when? What was
done to stop it? Were there complicit roles played by factions within
the United States? While volumes have been written to correctly
challenge those contemptible historical criminals who deny the Nazi
death camps ever existed, one of the more subtle forms of denial is
rarely questioned or even mentioned. This particular negation
involves the deep-seated belief that the West was simply not aware of
the extent of Nazi Germany's atrocities until the war was nearly over
and once they knew the truth, they acted expediently to save lives.
To accept this fiction is to enable oneself to believe that the
inaction of the Allies was due merely to lack of information.

Apologists can pretend that the details of the Holocaust were not
known and if they had been, the U.S. would have intervened, but as
Kenneth C. Davis explains, "Prior to the American entry into the war,
the Nazi treatment of Jews evoked little more than a weak diplomatic
condemnation. It is clear that Roosevelt knew about the treatment of
the Jews in Germany and elsewhere in Europe, and about the
methodical, systematic destruction of the Jews during the Holocaust.
Clearly, saving the Jews and other groups that Hitler was destroying
en masse was not a critical issue for American war planners."

Indeed, when a resolution was introduced in January 1934 asking the
Senate and the president to express "surprise and pain" at the German
treatment of the Jews, the resolution never got out of committee.
Such inaction was not reversed even as more specific details began to
reach the average American. On October 30, 1939, the New York Times
wrote of "freight cars . . . full of people" heading eastward and
broached the subject of the "complete elimination of the Jews from
European life" which, according to the Times, appeared to be "a fixed
German policy."

As for the particulars on the Nazi final solution, as early as July
1941, the New York Yiddish dailies offered stories of Jews massacred
by Germans in Russia. Three months later, the New York Times wrote of
eyewitness accounts of 10 to 15 thousand Jews slaughtered in Galicia.
On December 7, 1942, the London Times joined the chorus with this
observation: "The question now arises whether the Allied Governments,
even now, can do anything to prevent Hitler's threat of extermination
from being literally carried out."

The German persecution and mass murder of Eastern European Jews was
indeed a poorly kept secret and the United States and its Allies
cannot honestly or realistically hide behind the excuse of ignorance.
Even when the Nazis themselves initiated proposals to ship Jews from
both Germany and Czechoslovakia to Western countries or even
Palestine, the Allied nations could never get beyond negotiations and
the rescue plans never materialized.

One particularly egregious example was the 1939 journey of the St.
Louis. Carrying 1,128 German Jewish refugees from Europe, the ocean
liner was turned back by U.S. officials because the German
immigration quota had been met. The St. Louis then returned to Europe
where the refugees found temporary sanctuary in France, Great
Britain, Belgium, and the Netherlands. Most were eventually captured
by the Nazis and shipped to death camps.

Haskel Lookstein, author of Were We Our Brothers' Keepers?, has
speculated on the indifference displayed by both FDR and Churchill in
the face of the Nazi Holocaust. Lookstein cites scholars who may
dispute the use of the word "indifference" while pointing out
that "Roosevelt's State Department actively opposed a large-scale
rescue effort and that the British Foreign Office was actually
fearful that a serious effort might be successful." Apparently, a
successful rescue would have presented a touchy new problem: what to
do with all those rescued Jews? Assistant Secretary of State for
Special Problems Breckingridge Long went as far as charging the
rescue advocates as subverting the war effort by acting as Berlin's
agents. "In the meantime," Lookstein adds, "Hitler's death camps were
efficiently ensuring that fewer and fewer Jews would remain to be
rescued."

"The rescue of European Jewry," writes Henry L. Feingold in The
Politics of Rescue, "especially after the failure to act during the
refugee phase (1939 to October 1941), was so severely circumscribed
by Nazi determination that it would have required an inordinate
passion to save lives and a huge reservoir of good will toward Jews
to achieve it. Such passion to save Jewish lives did not exist in the
potential receiving nations."

With a lack of public acknowledgement from the Roosevelt
administration, U.S. public opinion was not aroused. This, Feingold
believes, convinced "men like Goebbels that the Allies approved or
were at least indifferent to the fate of the Jews."

Goebbels's line of thinking was not too far from the truth. Even when
eyewitness accounts from Auschwitz reached the U.S. Department of War
and some in the Roosevelt administration were pushing for the bombing
of the death camp or at least the railways leading to it, the word
came down that air power could not be diverted from vital "industrial
target system." It was claimed by American military planners,
according to Feingold, that Auschwitz was "beyond the maximum range
of medium bombardment, diver bombers and fighter bombers located in
[the] United Kingdom, France or Italy."

After the war, it was common knowledge that Allied bombers passed
within five miles of Auschwitz in August 1944.

In March of 1943 - a year in which the U.S. admitted only 23,775
immigrants into the country, the lowest figure in 80 years - Frida
Kirchway, editor of The Nation, summed up the situation
succinctly: "In this country, you and I, the President and the
Congress and the State Department are accessories to the crime and
share Hitler's guilt. If we behaved like humane and generous people
instead of complacent cowardly ones, the two million lying today in
the earth of Poland . . . would be alive and safe. We had it in our
power to rescue this doomed people and yet we did not lift a hand to
do it."

When attempting to calculate the inherent goodness of the Allies in
terms of their response to the Nazi Holocaust, one cannot ignore the
post-war behavior of the Allied nations - in particular, the United
States. For example, three months after V-E Day, radical journalist
I.F. Stone reported that "many of the Jews and former slave laborers
of the Nazis [were] living in the same concentration camps, fed a
diet 'composed principally of bread and coffee,' still clothed in
hideous concentration-camp garb or, even more ignominiously, in S.S.
uniforms left behind by their oppressors."

Dubya is right when he talks about "the need for people to resist
evil." But he's wrong to cite the Holocaust as an example and he is
only able to do so thanks to half a century of historical cleansing
and social conditioning.

In April 1943, an editorial in the London New Statesman and Nation
contemplated the legacy of Allied indifference to the victims of the
Nazi Holocaust, predicting "when historians relate this story of
extermination, they will find it, from first to last, all but
incredible."

That editorial writer was far too optimistic.

Mickey Z. is the author of Saving Private Power: The Hidden History
of "The Good War" (soon to be re-released in paper by Soft Skull
Press) on which this article is based. He can be reached at:
[EMAIL PROTECTED]




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www.ctrl.org
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
Archives Available at:

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<A HREF="http://www.mail-archive.com/[EMAIL PROTECTED]/">ctrl</A>
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