-Caveat Lector-

~~for educational purposes only~~
[Title 17 U.S.C. section 107]

Eminent Remains: The Buried Legacy of the Original Ground Zero
by Gary North

Which looks proper to you: "twin towers" or "Twin
Towers"? For most people, "Twin Towers" looks
proper. We rarely see "twin towers" in uncapitalized
mode. That was what was wrong with the Twin
Towers from day one.

We read of "Ground Zero." That phrase, too, is
capitalized. The empty space where the Twin Towers
once stood has become a symbol of lawless
destruction, as indeed it is. Some people speak of
Ground Zero as sacred space or holy ground. I am not
one of them.

What I have never seen written is what should be
obvious to anyone who defends the free market as an
outworking of the idea of private property: the Twin
Towers were conceived in sin and leased in iniquity.

The Twin Towers stood as of emblem of what has long
been a great weakness of British common law: the law
of eminent domain. That law is an outworking of what
I, as follower of John Calvin, identify as the modified
eighth commandment: "Thou sha lt not steal, except by
majority vote." Catholics and Lutherans would identify
it as the modified seventh commandment. However
men number that commandment, it is the modification
which condemns them.

The Twin Towers began with acts of legalized theft.

A ROCKEFELLER PROJECT

The Twin Towers were the product of many factors,
but the sine qua non were the Rockefeller brothers,
David and Nelson. The Rockefeller family had long
become interested in real estate development in New
York City. There is even a book based on a 1986
middle-of-the-night bicycle tour of Rockefeller-related
properties, Rockefeller New York.

John D., Jr. in 1946 donated $8.5 million to the United
Nations to buy property for its headquarters. The land
was then turned over to the member nations as
sovereign property. This removed the land from the
jurisdiction of the United States. It was a symbolic
gesture.

Symbols have always meant a great deal to the
Rockefellers, as they do to everyone else. The key
questions are:

 1.Symbols for whom?
 2.Symbols of what?
 3.Symbols managed by whom?

The Twin Towers project was a combination of four
crucial factors: (1) David Rockefeller's desire to raise
property values in lower Manhattan; (2) Gov. Nelson
Rockefeller's appointees, who controlled the Board of
the Port Authority; (3) taxpayers' credit, which was
used to underwrite bonds to build the Twin Towers;
(4) exemption from all New York City building codes
and taxes. Brian C. Anderson provided a good
summary in the November, 2001 issue of City Journal.
This story is known to very few Americans, let alone
Islamic terrorists. I quote it at some length.

    It's cruelly ironic that the terrorists who
    attacked New York on September 11
    targeted the World Trade Center as a symbol
    of American capitalism. For, from the
    moment it opened its doors in the early
    1970s, the center, owned and operated by the
    publicly funded Port Authority of New York
    and New Jersey, was really a grandiose
    monument to the ills of state capitalism,
    where government substitutes its
    bureaucratic and politically motivated
    thinking for the wisdom of the free market's
    invisible hand. Indeed, the WTC offers a
    case study in why government should not be
    in the business of developing and managing
    commercial property. As New York state
    and city officials move toward setting up a
    new public entity to oversee the rebuilding
    of lower Manhattan, the center's history
    provides a cautionary tale for everyone
    involved  starting with Governor George
    Pataki. . . .

    The idea for the World Trade Center first
    took form in the late 1950s, as a group of
    well-connected businessmen  led by
    Governor Rockefeller's brother David, CEO
    of Chase Manhattan Bank  sought some
    governmental means of pumping economic
    life into a lower Manhattan that had been in
    steady decline since the Depression. A
    government-created and government-run
    state-of-the-art office complex, they felt,
    would attract tenants from the world of
    international trade to replace the financial
    firms that had left lower Manhattan, and thus
    it would spur additional economic
    development throughout the neighborhood
    and give a boost to the area's struggling
    ports. The complex would also boost
    downtown development at a time when the
    Rockefeller family was making a big
    financial bet on the area with the
    construction of Chase Plaza.

    Enlisting Governor Rockefeller's help, the
    group turned to the Port Authority to own,
    develop, and manage the property. Three
    reasons made the bi-state agency attractive:
    it was bursting with money and had the
    ability to float bonds; it already owned some
    of the land in the neighborhood; and the
    governor controlled half of its board. The
    authority was enthusiastic from the outset. Its
    powerful director, Austin Tobin, wanted to
    expand the agency's reach beyond its
    traditional, profitable bailiwick of managing
    the area's ports, airports, bridges, and
    tunnels. Here was the perfect opportunity:
    the Port Authority could now get into the
    real-estate business.

    Virtually every important consideration in
    developing the World Trade Center had
    nothing to do with business and everything to
    do with politics. Costs, which the public
    would ultimately have to pay, mounted
    rapidly. To get New Jersey's backing for the
    project, for example, the Port Authority
    agreed to take over the financially strapped
    Hudson tubes that brought many New Jersey
    rail commuters into Manhattan (today, it's
    called the Port Authority Trans-Hudson, or
    PATH, train). The World Trade Center
    development thus extended the agency's
    state-capitalist reach beyond real estate into
    mass transit. The final cost of the twin
    towers, as usually happens with publicly
    financed projects, swelled far beyond initial
    estimates. Supporters of the development
    had low-balled those estimates to win public
    support.

    Since the World Trade Center originated as
    government's idea of what lower Manhattan
    needed, rather than as what the market really
    called for, it's no surprise that it misfired
    commercially. Tobin yearned to build the
    world's tallest building, whether the market
    needed two 110-story behemoths or not, and
    his twin towers proved a perfect
    embodiment of the rationalist bureaucratic
    mind in their icy, featureless, and
    symmetrical inhumanity that, like Governor
    Rockefeller's Albany Mall, seemed designed
    to make the individual seem a powerless
    nonentity, the state an omnipotent colossus.
    When finished, the towers seemed to drain
    more life out of downtown than they added.
    When the trade center's initial 10 million
    square feet of office space first hit the market
    in the early 1970s, the result was such a glut
    of office space that lower Manhattan
    real-estate values sank at a time when the
    city was economically struggling and could
    least afford it.

    Rather than attracting new firms to New
    York, as its planners thought it would, it
    drew tenants from other lower Manhattan
    offices, driving up vacancy rates throughout
    the area. With the towers still unfilled, New
    York State moved nearly all its Gotham
    offices into them, becoming the center's
    biggest tenant. Similarly, the Port Authority
    moved many of its own offices there.

He went on to describe the vast pool of patronage that
the project made possible.

    Such deal-making, with the public footing the
    bill, guarantees inefficiency, since there's no
    free market in place that  by rewarding
    good work and disciplining bad  would
    pressure administrators to hire the right
    people for the right jobs and make sure they
    worked hard. . . .

    Rather than trying to sell the World Trade
    Center, Governor Carey's less fiscally
    responsible successor, Mario Cuomo,
    decided to use it as a cash machine. In the
    1990s, he got the Port Authority, using its
    own budget (which is separate from the state
    budget and includes, of course, New Jersey
    funds), to pay New York State a premium for
    having moved its offices out of the twin
    towers, and then he utilized the money
    about $200 million  to plug gaping holes in
    the state's operating budget. The onetime
    boost in revenues was typical of the
    chicanery Cuomo employed during the early
    1990s to balance the state budget
    temporarily rather than to slash state
    spending in tandem with declining revenues.
    . . .

    Yet, even though New York's 1990s
    economic boom had by then nearly filled the
    twin towers with tenants, making it the best
    time imaginable to sell the complex, the Port
    Authority bureaucracy still wouldn't give up
    the goose that laid the golden eggs and get
    out of the state-capitalist business for good.
    Instead of selling the trade center outright,
    the authority reasoned that it could make
    more money by leasing the center, since
    under continued Port Authority ownership,
    its exemption from property taxes and other
    government perks would still be attached,
    making it more valuable.

The author then described the deal made by the Port
Authority and Silverstein Properties, just seven weeks
before the planes struck the towers. The company,
along with Westfield America, agreed to lease the
towers and surrounding Port Authority properties for
$3.2 billion over 99 years, with $616 million paid up
front. (This $3.2 billion was, according to the
actuaries, present discounted market value.)

    Larry Silverstein would only have to pay the
    city $25 million yearly in an in-lieu-of-taxes
    agreement, about $75 million less than what
    the property taxes would actually be. In
    addition, the towers could continue to tap
    low-cost taxpayer-subsidized electricity
    from the New York Power Authority, saving
    Silverstein millions a year over what he
    would pay if he had to buy electricity from
    Con Ed at market rates. The Port Authority
    also agreed to use public funds to pay any
    property taxes in excess of $25 million that
    Silverstein might incur in the future if New
    York City ever succeeded in putting the trade
    center on the property-tax rolls.

THE BULLDOZER

In a superb documentary on the Twin Towers,
produced by Ken Burns, which has been broadcast by
PBS this week, we learn of the power of eminent
domain. The documentary provides photos of the
resistance made by small local business owners in the
mid-1960's to keep their property from being
confiscated by the Port Authority. Theirs was a losing
effort.

This was the era of the great urban land confiscations:
urban removal. In 1963, Martin Anderson's book
appeared, The Federal Bulldozer, which was
published by M.I.T. Press. In that era, there were few
academic defenses of private property. Anderson's
book was a watershed. What he described was a
macrocosm nationally of the microcosm that the Port
Authority was beginning to impose at the same time.

This was also the era in which Jane Jacobs began
writing her books that defended urban neighborhoods.
She warned against the use of eminent domain to evict
residents and small businesses that had grown up over
decades or even centuries. No one in authority paid
any attention to her at the time.

This was the era of Robert Moses, the visionary
destroyer of neighborhoods in the state of New York.
Robert Caro's biography, The Power Broker, shows
that Moses was a bureaucratic version of Lyndon
Johnson, the subject of Caro's multi-volume biography.

Burns' documentary shows the plight of those removed
from their businesses and their dreams. They operated
in buildings that were rarely over four stories tall.
They paid property taxes, unlike the Port Authority.
They called on the state and the city to confine the
operations of the Port Authority to its original mandate:
operating transportation centers. Their arguments did
not prevail. The courts threw them out.

Ground zero has therefore appeared twice. The Port
Authority, backed by the states of New York and New
Jersey, leveled the buildings occupied by small
capitalists. This was all legal. The civil government's
power of eminent domain was used to create a pair of
uneconomic technological marvels. Burn's
documentary reports that it was two decades before the
project began turning a subsidized, tax-free profit.

THE LOTTERY

What if the Port Authority, Silverstein Properties, the
insurance companies, and everyone else settled their
differences and started from ground zero, economically
speaking? What if the Port Authority then were to hold
a lottery for the property? What if the lottery were
open to anyone with the price of a ticket, anywhere on
earth?

Let's say that your Aunt Harriet, an inveterate lottery
ticket buyer, unlike you, who understand mathematics,
bought you a ticket? It would be a free gift. You would
not want to turn it down, but you also don't know
anything about secondary markets. So, you keep the
ticket.

What would you do if you won?

Let's say that the tax man won't come knocking until
you sell the property rights or, if you choose, give them
away. What would you do with the ticket?

If you are a libertarian, you would probably hold an
auction. "Come one, come all. High bid wins." This is
the essence of the intellectual case for capitalism as an
institutional arrangement that allocates scarce
resources to their most valuable uses, as determined by
consumers. The high bid wins. The economic agents of
consumers, called entrepreneurs, bid on behalf of
future consumers.

Would you sell it to someone who would make Ground
Zero into a shrine? A park? A parking lot? A shopping
mall? Would you care what use the buyer has for the
property?

In the free market, you have the legal right to care. You
also have the legal right not to care. You are allowed
to pursue your highest value by means of your property.

I would hold an auction, and the high bid would win.
As to how I would structure the ownership of that
ticket prior to accepting the top bid would be between
me and lawyers on the Isle of Man.

What we do not hear in all of the media-covered
discussions regarding what to do with Ground Zero is
a discussion of who owns the property. All talk about
parks, shrines, monuments, large towers, no towers,
and all the rest of it leaves out the fundamental issue:
Who owns the land?

The Twin Towers were conceived in the sin of
eminent domain and leased in the iniquity of state
ownership. They became symbols of state capitalism,
towering emblems of technology and tax exemption.
They were targets of hatred by terrorists, and they
became retroactive towers of American power after
they were destroyed.

Until Burns' documentary, no one gave a thought to the
careers and dreams toppled by the Port Authority in the
1960's. No one shed tears on behalf of the original
victims.

On 9/11, the Twin Towers became eminent remains.
The debris was removed as efficiently as it had been
removed in the 1960's, when other men's eminent
dreams had been knocked down in the name of a
government-funded vision of progress.

THE THING UNSEEN

The devastation of 9/11 was a continuation of an
earlier devastation. The Twin Towers became targets
because they had been symbols of America's greatness.
But they were never symbols for me of America's
greatness. I see America's greatness very differently.
For me, the symbols of American greatness were those
little shops in 1960, owned by little people who were
pursuing their own dreams. The Port Authority stuck a
gun in their bellies and said, "Get off our land."

Capitalism makes the best use of the property available
to it, according to the competing demands by
consumers. The commercial uses in 2001 were
spectacular, but they were not the best uses. Those uses
were the result of a terrible cost, a cost ignored by the
defenders of the mixed economy: the cost of forfeited
property rights. When policy-makers impute zero value
to the right of a person to declare "this land is mine,"
and to defend it against invaders, they undermine the
free market social order. When they do this, they
impose costs.

The best use of Ground Zero was not the Twin
Towers. The best use was those little stores run by
nobodies. Nobody mourned the nobodies on 9/11, for
by then, the collective acts of legalized terrorism that
had driven them off their land were long forgotten.

In the middle of the nineteenth century, Frédéric Bastiat
wrote an essay about a broken window pane. He made
the point that men look at the thing seen, but they
neglect the thing unseen. They see the brand-new
window that replaces the broken one, and they marvel
at the economic benefits: more employment, clearer
glass. They do not see the costs: all the other things that
the window owner would have done with the money
that the new pane cost him.

There was nothing spectacular about the shops in 1960
that became Ground Zero in 2001. The cost of creating
the first ground zero (not capitalized because it was no
one's would-be sacred symbol) was not limited to
lawyers' fees and "due process of law." The cost of the
creation of the Twin Towers was the trampling of
property rights, a legacy that binds the dreams of
American property owners today. But because these
costs are distributed over hundreds of millions of
people, no one counts them. They cannot be added up,
for they are individually estimated. There is no
national felicific calculus, contrary to Jeremy Bentham.

CONCLUSION

The Twin Towers rested on a foundation of injustice.
Americans do not let such a thought cross their minds.
That this thought does not cross their minds is a
testimony to the widespread acceptance of injustice
that prevails today.

This is the terrible cost of Ground Zero, for it is with
us still.

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