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Subject: Truth chokes on the fog of war
Date: Tue, 20 Apr 1999 07:33:58 GMT
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http://www.the-times.co.uk/


The refugees

Truth chokes on the fog of war

by Tony Allen-Mills Tetovo, Macedonia

AT THE Red Cross office near the Turkish bazaar in Tetovo, Kucu was
struggling to get his story straight. The Serbian army had attacked
Kotlina at 5am and driven all the young Albanian men out of the
village, he said. They had watched in horror from the forest as the
women and children were loaded into lorries and driven off towards
Kacanik, 30 miles south of Pristina. Then the Serbs had burnt the
village.

That was not quite the version that Kucu's friend, Enes, related to a
different Red Cross worker a few minutes later. The Serbs had herded
the older Albanian men into the woods, Enes said. The younger men had
run away. It was 5pm - not 5am - when the Serbs had burnt the village.
Then the fugitive Albanians had walked through the night for 20 miles
to the Macedonian border. They had crossed the Sar Planina mountains
to register as refugees from the war that had destroyed their homes.

It sounded a sadly familiar tale of Serbian mayhem, but a Red Cross
volunteer exchanged a glance with a Macedonian interpreter. "These men
don't look as though they have walked 20 miles," she said, staring
pointedly at Kucu's spotless white running shoes. "They look as though
they arrived by Mercedes."

The unusually dapper would-be refugees were not the only sign last
week that all is not what it seems in the latest western attempt to
impose order on Balkan chaos. A conflict promoted in Washington,
London and elsewhere as a crusade against a despot looks a lot more
complicated to those who live within earshot of exploding Tomahawk
missiles.

To be sure, many of the refugees arriving from Kosovo had sinister
stories to tell of Serbian barbarity. Some spoke of relatives
murdered, of random executions and of groups of ethnic Albanians being
led away at gunpoint.

However, not everyone reaching Macedonia had encountered a genocidal
Serb. Many had been scared from their homes not by Milosevic's
marauding troops, but by the threat of Nato attacks. Others, like the
well dressed Albanians, had motives that were hard to fathom through
the centuries-old fog of Balkan intrigue and deceit.

In Tetovo, there was speculation that the Kotlina Albanians had fallen
foul of their own side. Reports reaching Skopje have suggested that
the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), the underdog resistance unit of
Albanian separatist guerrillas, is not always as heroic as it is
sometimes portrayed.

The KLA has been accused in the past of forcibly conscripting Kosovo
Albanian men into its ranks. Serbian officials have accused it of
attacking its own villages if local men refuse to join up.

There were so many discrepancies in the stories of Kucu and his
friends last week that Red Cross officials declared it impossible to
know the truth about the supposed burning of Kotlina. The men might
have been victims of Serbian aggression; they might have skipped town
to avoid being drummed into KLA uniforms. These are the kind of Balkan
conundrums that are rarely solved by B52 bombers.

Nor was there much fodder for Nato propagandists among the 200 or so
refugees waiting to register at a Skopje district police station early
on Friday. Mirvei, a tall Albanian woman clutching her four-month-old
baby, looked bewildered when asked if Serbian troops had driven her
out. "There were no Serbs," she said. "We were frightened of the
bombs."

Hunched uncomfortably together on a kerb, an exhausted pair of elderly
Albanian Kosovars puffed wearily on Turkish cigarettes as their
Macedonian niece launched into a tirade - not against vicious Serbian
oppression, but against the "cowardly" immigration policies of the
West.

Her 86-year-old uncle, Ajredien, and his wife, Celebija, 78, had a son
and grandchildren living in America and other children in Holland,
Switzerland and France. All four countries had refused the elderly
couple visas. Resigned to their plight in Kosovo, they had abandoned
their home in Gnjilane only when Nato bombs began to fall.

By contrast, Shaban Latifi told the kind of story that last week
encouraged Tony Blair to label Milosevic a "vile dictator". Latifi
stumbled into the Tetovo Red Cross office on Friday and slumped on a
step in the muddy garden. He was there for hours before the
Albanian-Macedonian interpreter had time to listen to his story.
Clutching a wooden walking stick and a blue sponge bag, Latifi, 76,
related in a croaking voice how the Serbian army had swept through the
village of Ajrodila, near Pristina.

"In half an hour they killed 38 people," he said. His wife and four
grown-up children were murdered. The Serbs spared Latifi, who is sick
and nearly deaf, but ordered him to leave. A series of bus rides
brought him to Tetovo, where he had been told that a
Macedonian-Albanian family would take him in.

Perhaps the most surprising aspect of Latifi's story was that there
seemed to be so few others like it in Macedonia, where no more than a
trickle of refugees was arriving. This may have been because of fear
of encountering Serbian troops, apprehension about the Nato
bombardment or a preference for other exit routes.

Red Cross officials say many of the most recent arrivals intend to
return to Kosovo as soon as the Nato bombardment stops. Some claim
that the end of the Nato airstrikes could bring a fresh wave of
100,000 or more Albanian refugees. Yet there is no sign that the
government seriously expects the refugee problem to become
unmanageable.

The return of war to the Balkans has in other ways proved a crushing
blow for the one former Yugoslav province that had managed to break
away from its parent state without bloodshed. During the past few
years Macedonia has quietly been emerging as a stable and potentially
prosperous mini-state. "Now it doesn't matter whether Serbia bombs us
or not," said Margarita Manceva, an English teacher in Skopje. "The
economic damage has been done. We have journalists visiting us now,
but no tourists."

Perhaps the most threatening development last week was the alienation
of Macedonia's 40,000-strong Serbian minority, as witnessed in attacks
on western embassies in Skopje. In a seemingly co-ordinated eruption,
hundreds of protesters skirmished with police after hurling stones at
the American, British and German missions.

The presence in Macedonia of more than 10,000 Nato troops - originally
intended for peacekeeping duties in Kosovo but now widely suspected by
Serbs of being a back-up offensive force - has had an unsettling
effect.

Ljubco Georgievski, the Macedonian prime minister, acknowledged that
in addition to the Kosovo refugees the biggest problem facing his
country was "the anti-American and anti-Nato sentiment growing among
the population".

For many Macedonians there was little consolation when Christopher
Hill, the American ambassador, emphasised that Nato forces were "in no
way here to threaten or attack Serbia". In the next breath Hill warned
Serbia that "any attempt to attack these forces would have severe
consequences". Whether Nato likes it or not, its soldiers have become,
like so many Balkan armies before them, a part of the problem they
were sent to solve.

Copyright 1999 Times Newspapers Ltd.



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