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A Guide to The 9/11 Cover-up
May 17, 2004. Part 2 of 3.
The Rice/Zelikow Connection A brief history of the Kean Commission
and its conflicts of interest

See also Part I
UQ Wire: A Guide to The 9/11 Cover-up (2)

 Condoleeza Rice is a household name. But most Americans still
have never heard of the man who wrote a book with her, Philip
Zelikow.

As the executive director of the Kean Commission, Zelikow is
responsible for framing the agenda. He leads the research staff.
He decides what evidence the commission sees.

In April, the world media focused on Rice's appearance before
the commission. She claimed, not for the first time, that no
one could have imagined terrorists would use hijacked planes
as weapons against buildings. This is a demonstrable falsehood,
which Bush himself inadvertantly exposed a week later. (See "Bush,
Rice and the Genoa Warning," p. 16.)

Rice's testimony received mostly bad reviews. The commission
was credited with investigative fervor. Few reports bothered
to note that in the late 1980s, Rice and Zelikow worked closely
together on George H.W. Bush's national security staff.

Zelikow and Rice co-authored a 1999 book about their experiences
in the first Bush White House, "Germany Unified and Europe Transformed:
A Study in Statecraft." The book presents "a detailed and fascinating
account of behind-the-scenes discussions and deliberations" during
the fall of the Soviet empire, according to Library Journal.

Zelikow again served alongside Rice as a member of the Bush transition
team in 2000-2001, when he took part in White House meetings
on the terror threat. Since this was of interest to the 9/11
investigation, the Kean Commission recently called Zelikow as
a witness, in a closed-door session.

Now imagine if the judge in a trial was a close associate of
the star witness. Imagine if the judge called himself as a witness
to the case, in secret testimony. A parallel situation has arisen,
with Zelikow in the role of the judge, and Rice as the star witness.

Even after Sept. 11, two days before the invasion of Afghanistan,
Zelikow went back to work for the Bush national security staff,
as a member of the White House advisory board on foreign intelligence.

Zelikow's evident conflicts of interest prompted Sept. 11 family
leaders to call for his resignation months ago. "It is apparent
that Dr. Zelikow should never have been permitted to be Executive
Staff Director of the Commission," the Family Steering Committee
concluded in a Mar. 20 statement. So far, the commission has
ignored their plea.

The Rice/Zelikow connection should have set off alarm bells about
the Kean Commission's independence. Yet it has barely caused
a stir.

 The Kissinger Commission

"When we first envisioned this commission, we did not envision
it made up of ex-senators and ex-Navy secretaries and all of
this other stuff," says Beverly Eckert of the Family Steering
Committee. "We thought it should be professors and writers, scholars
and also people who are involved in the news, but not necessarily
a part of it. These people [the commissioners] are all a part
of it. In many ways the government is part of the problem."

By a hair's breadth, what we know now as the Kean Commission
almost went down in history as the "Kissinger Commission." Soon
after finally assenting to an independent investigation, George
W. Bush kicked it off in Nov. 2002 by appointing Henry Kissinger
to chair the panel.

Two weeks later, Kissinger declined the appointment. The families
and a few of the legislators designing the commission had asked
him to rule out possible conflicts of interest involving his
consulting firm, Kissinger Associates. Kissinger refused to name
his clients, even confidentially. In a letter to Bush, he opined
that service to country would ruin his business.

During the two weeks of Kissinger's appointment, the Internet
and alternative press buzzed at the thought of a 9/11 investigation
headed by Richard Nixon's former secretary of state, a known
practitioner of the strategic lie. Kissinger remains an elder
adviser to many of the key people in the administration and U.S.
defense establishment, especially the neoconservative group at
the Pentagon under Donald Rumsfeld. He is under investigation
in several countries for alleged involvement in Nixon-era crimes
against humanity in Chile, Indochina and elsewhere. During a
Paris hotel stay in 2001, he received a surprise visit for questioning
by a French magistrate, and had to quietly slip out of the country.


The failed Kissinger appointment was a global public relations
disaster, but perhaps the administration felt it needed a cover-up
artist of his caliber. Soon after his departure, the job of heading
the 9/11 Commission went to Kean, a less controversial figure
who was more willing to reveal his business connections. One
of these is worthy of a brief detour.

 New Jersey to Afghanistan

Before taking his current position, Thomas Kean was a director
and part owner of Amerada Hess, a company that maintained a partnership
with Delta Oil of Saudi Arabia. Since that is the home country
for most of the alleged 9/11 hijackers, and since the Bush family
has close business ties to Saudi elites, many people would think
that this is already a serious conflict of interest.

Together with UNOCAL, Delta Oil in the mid-1990s began negotiating
deals with Central Asian governments, looking to acquire pipeline
rights out of the world's richest remaining store of undeveloped
oil fields. The favored plan was to get the oil to a port in
Pakistan - meaning, through Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. The
Taliban were courted in the late 1990s by a number of American
oil projects, including UNOCAL's. But their hardline behavior
ruined their international image, and the companies backed off.

When the Bush administration came to power in 2001, it opened
new pipeline negotiations with the the Taliban. Despite awards
to Afghanistan of $143 million in U.S. aid in the first half
of 2001, the Taliban refused to accept the U.S. proposal of a
joint government with the Northern Alliance. They broke off the
back-channel Berlin talks in June. At the time, a U.S. representative
promised that the Taliban had a choice between "a carpet of gold
or a carpet of bombs."

The White House has admitted that documents placed on Bush's
desk on Sept. 9, 2001 detailed a plan for attacking Afghanistan
by mid-Oct. 2001. Significant deployments to the region of U.S.
and British forces were already underway. All that was missing
for an invasion was the casus belli - the cause for hostilities.
That arrived two days later, in New York, in the form of the
9/11 attacks.

The subsequent U.S. invasion of Afghanistan installed Hamid Karzai
as prime minister and Zalmay Khalilzad as the powerful White
House envoy to Kabul. Interestingly, both men were previously
employed as consultants by UNOCAL. The new Afghan government
has since entered a pipeline consortium. UNOCAL is not known
to be involved, but is seen within the industry as the likely
ultimate beneficiary of a future pipeline.

In other words, 9/11 became the reason for an already-planned
war in Afghanistan, as a result of which a long-delayed Afghan
pipeline deal was struck. Given that context, the appointment
as commission chair of an any oil company director - let alone
the director of one involved in a Central Asian pipeline consortium
- appears improper.

But within the commission, Gov. Kean's involvement is by no means
exceptional. A look at the member resumes shows that almost all
of them have had business ties to oil companies - or else, airlines.

 Pipelines and Airlines

After Kean's appointment, the White House shifted from resisting
the very idea of an investigation to the more mundane matter
of obstructing it. Although the commissioners were all government
and national security insiders, getting security clearances took
months. For most of the first year, the White House claimed executive
privilege in withholding access to the Presidential Daily Briefings.
The rules were fashioned so that issuing a subpeona required
a majority vote.

Bush initially approved a budget of just $3 million for the panel,
which requires a staff of dozens to comb through millions of
documents. Only after months of wrangling did the White House
give in to an additional $8 million in funding.

(By comparison, the Columbia Space Shuttle explosion led to immediate
approval of $30 million for a commission within a week. The investigation
of Bill Clinton's sexual affairs in the 1990s took up on the
order of $40 million in funds.)

Congressional Democrats and Republicans and the White House set
out to apportion the seats in what was termed a bipartisan manner,
meaning five for each major party.

Kean's vice-chair, Lee Hamilton, was the chairman in the 1980s
of the House Select Committee on Iran/Contra. Afterwards, he
told PBS Frontline that he didn't wish to indict Reagan or Bush,
because he didn't think it would be "good for the country," although
a wealth of evidence showed that Reagan and Bush authorized illegal
arms shipments to Iran in 1985. Then Chairman Hamilton, a Democrat,
was influenced by heavy political pressure from a hawkish fellow
congressman from Wyoming by the name of Dick Cheney.

The New York Post and FOXNEWS have yet to report any of the above
details concerning Zelikow, Kean or Hamilton, but in April they
devoted much energy to exposing commission member Jamie Gorelick,
who served on Bill Clinton's national security staff. The Murdoch
media and Republican politicians have said she is too partisan
to serve on the commission, and urged that she resign.

In May 2003, shortly after joining the Kean Commission, Gorelick
also joined the Washington firm of Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering.
A month earlier, this firm announced it would defend Saudi Prince
Mohammed al Faisal, third in command in the Saudi government
- and a plaintiff in several of the billion-dollar lawsuits filed
by relatives of 9/11 victims.

Richard Ben-Veniste, former Clinton White House lawyer, was a
partner until February 2003 in one of the biggest bankruptcy
firms in the world, Weil, Gotshal, and Manges. As the N.Y. Post
disclosed, the firm received a famously inflated $3 million retainer
from Enron, when the latter filed for bankruptcy in 2001.

Former Republican Sen. Slade Gorton is a lawyer in the Seattle
firm of Preston, Gates and Ellis, which counts among its clients
both Delta Air Lines and the Boeing Employees' Credit Union.
Is either of them likely to want the airlines forced to pay off
lawsuits from Sept. 11 relatives?

While Henry Kissinger did not make the cut, he does have close
ties to Republican John Lehman, whom he recruited for his staff
during the Nixon administration. Lehman, the Secretary of the
Navy under the Reagan administration, is also close to several
members of the current Bush government. Along with Kean, Hamilton,
and Gorelick, he is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations
(CFR).

As for former Illinois Governor James R. Thompson, it really
takes no rocket science to figure out his conflict of interest.
He is chairman of the Winston & Strawn law firm in Chicago. From
Jan. 1997 through June 2002, Thompson's law firm received $1.66
million for federal lobbying efforts on behalf of American Airlines
- one of the two carriers potentially liable for negligence on
9/11.

 Commission Cuts Deal with White House

Under a deal the Kean Commission made with the White House in
Nov. 2003, Jamie Gorelick is the only commissioner - alongside
Executive Director Philip Zelikow - allowed to view White House
documents, such as the famous Presidential Daily Briefing entitled
"BIN LADEN DETERMINED TO STRIKE IN U.S."

That document (of which the government recently published 1˝
pages out of 11) was delivered from George Tenet to George Bush
on Aug. 6, 2001. Gorelick is a long-standing Tenet associate
and an adviser to the CIA. Once again, the investigator is on
the friendliest terms with the subject of the investigation.


While viewing White House documents, she and Zelikow are allowed
to take notes, which remain with the White House. They then report
to the other commission members. At one point, the White House
withheld the notes. The commission was said to be debating a
subpoena for its own notes, instead of the actual documents.

 Max Cleland Drops Out

We have yet to mention the most outspoken commission member,
Max Cleland, the former Senator from Georgia. He objected strenuously
to the deal with the White House. In the course of Nov. autumn
2003, he issued a challenge to both the White House and the other
members of the Kean commission. "Bush is scamming America," Cleland
declared.

"As each day goes by, we learn that this government knew a whole
lot more about these terrorists before Sept. 11 than it has ever
admitted," Cleland told the New York Times (10/26/03).

"Let's chase this rabbit into the ground here," Cleland said
in an interview (Salon, Nov. 2003). "They had a plan to go to
war, and when 9/11 happened that's what they did. They went to
war." He called this "a national scandal."

Cleland then compared the Kean Commission to the earlier investigation
of the Kennedy Assassination. "The Warren Commission blew it.
I'm not going to be part of that. I'm not going to be part of
looking at information only partially. I'm not going to be part
of just coming to quick conclusions. I'm not going to be part
of political pressure to do this or not do that."

At the time of Cleland's impassioned outbursts, the hearings
were not even covering Sept. 11, but issues of "Homeland Security."
It The commission was barely a blip on the media radar. Aside
from the Salon interview, Cleland's revolt was treated to cursory
coverage in a total of two other outlets: the Times and the Washington
Post. In the midst of an apparent news black-out, followers of
the commission process were not even sure if Cleland had resigned.

In December, Bush stepped in and settled the question. He appointed
Cleland to direct the U.S. Export-Import Bank. Cleland accepted.
He left the Commission.

 Ignoring the Elephant

Max Cleland's departure exposed the commission's conflicts of
interest and willingness to compromise its mission. Despite reports
of turmoil behind the scenes, the public consequences approached
nil.

 Yet it was also a chance for the panel to change course, to
address the issues he raised. Activists launched a campaign to
nominate a member of the Family Steering Committee to fill the
vacancy. Did the commission have room for one person who is not
a government insider, and who has a clear incentive to seek the
truth? A well-known FSC member expressed her willingness to serve.
Calls and faxes advocating her nomination poured in from around
the country to the offices of Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle.
He had nominated Cleland, and therefore got to choose the replacement.

 At the commission's public session on Dec. 8, 2003, Cleland
went unmentioned until the closing press conference, when a reporter
asked Kean and Hamilton how they intended to restore the commission's
credibility. Both proclaimed, needlessly, that Cleland was a
man of integrity, without addressing anything he had said.

 In addition, confronted with open-source evidence of U.S. military
preparations for the 9/11 scenario prior to Sept. 11 (the Pentagon
MASCAL exercise, see p. 13), they gave their usual answer, which
can be summed up as follows: "We are grateful. Please provide
us with these materials. We will pursue all leads." The materials
were duly provided.

 The next day, Daschle filled the vacancy with former Nebraska
Sen. Bob Kerrey, president of The New School University and an
outspoken hardliner on homeland security issues. (Kerrey was
also a member of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, which
lobbied foreign countries to support the ousting of Saddam Hussein.)
The decision had been made. The 9/11 Commission had room for
no one but insiders.

Leaving aside the behind-the-scenes stories and conflicts of
interest we have detailed, does the commission truly pursue all
leads? In tomorrow's Part 3 - a case study of how the commission
operates in public - we shall see what happened when its members
had a golden opportunity to ask top Pentagon officials about
the wargames of Sept. 11.

(continues?)






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www.ctrl.org
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CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substanceâ??not soap-boxingâ??please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'â??with its many half-truths, mis-
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major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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