| -Caveat Lector-
Ha! Wait until it becomes PSYCHIC warfare. "The
truth is out there".
Z
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Friday, August 27, 2004 9:49
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Subject: [ctrl] Harassment Through
Psychological Warfare
http://mediafilter.org/MFF/USDCO.PsyWar.html
Click Here: Check out "US
Domestic Covert Operations 2"
-----
US Domestic Covert Operations
From the Archive: WAR
AT HOME
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Gary
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Date: Fri, 17 Mar 1995 14:21:22 GMT
Organization: The Gloons of
Tharf
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/** pn.publiceye: 23.5 **/ ** Written
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Subject: From the Archive: WAR AT HOME
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Harassment Through
Psychological
Warfare
While boring from within, the FBI and police also attack
dissidentmovements from the outside. They openly mount propaganda
campaignsthrough public addresses, news releases, books, pamphlets,
magazinearticles, radio, and television. They also use covert deception
andmanipulation. Documented tactics of this kind
include:
False Media Stories: COINTELPRO documents expose frequent
collusionbetween news media personnel and the FBI to publish false and
distorted materialat the Bureau's behest. The FBI routinely leaked
derogatory informationto its collaborators in the news media. It also
created newspaper and magazinearticles and television "documentaries" which
the media knowingly or unknowinglycarried as their own. Copies were sent
anonymously or under bogus letterheadto activists' financial backers,
employers, business associates, families,neighbors, church officials, school
administrators, landlords, and whomeverelse might cause them trouble.
One
FBI media fabrication claimed that Jean Seberg, a white film staractive in
anti-racist causes, was pregnant by a prominent Black leader.The Bureau leaked
the story anonymously to columnist Joyce Haber andalso had it passed to her by
a "friendly" source in the Los AngelesTimes editorial staff. The item
appeared without attribution inHaber's nationally syndicated column of May 19,
1970. Seberg's husbandhas sued the FBI as responsible for her resulting
stillbirth, nervousbreakdown, and suicide.
Bogus Leaflets, Pamphlets, and
Other Publications: COINTELPRO documentsshow that the FBI routinely put
out phony leaflets, posters, pamphlets,newspapers, and other publications in
the name of movement groups. Thepurpose was to discredit the groups and
turn them against one another.
FBI cartoon leaflets were used to divide and
disrupt the main nationalanti-war coalition of the late 1960s. Similar
fliers were circulated in1968 and 1969 in the name of the Black Panthers and
the United Slaves(US), a rival Black nationalist group based in Southern
California. Thephony Panther/US leaflets, together with other covert
operations, werecredited with subverting a fragile truce between the two
groups andigniting an explosion of internecine violence that left four
Panthersdead, many more wounded, and a once-flourishing regional Black
movementdecimated.
Another major COINTELPRO operation involved a children's
coloring bookwhich the Black Panther Party had rejected as anti-white
andgratuitously violent. The FBI revised the coloring book to make it
evenmore offensive. Its field offices then distributed thousands of
copiesanonymously or under phony organizational letterheads. Many
backers ofthe Party's program of free breakfasts for children withdrew
theirsupport after the FBI conned them into believing that the bogus
coloringbook was being used in the program.
Forged
Correspondence: Former employees have confirmed that the FBIhas the
capacity to produce state-of-the-art forgery. This capacity wasused
under COINTELPRO to create snitch jackets and bogus communications
thatexacerbated differences among activists and disrupted their work.
One
such forgery intimidated civil rights worker Muhammed Kenyatta(Donald
Jackson), causing him to abandon promising projects in
Jackson,Mississippi. Kenyatta had foundation grants to form Black
economiccooperatives and open a "Black and Proud School" for dropouts.
He wasalso a student organizer at nearby Tougaloo College. In the winter
of1969, after an extended campaign of FBI and police harassment,
Kenyattareceived a letter, purportedly from the Tougaloo College
DefenseCommittee, which "directed" that he cease his political
activitiesimmediately. If he did not "heed our diplomatic and
well-thought-outwarning," the committee would consider taking measures "which
would havea more direct effect and which would not be as cordial as this
note."Kenyatta and his wife left. Only years later did they learn it was
notTougaloo students, but FBI covert operators who had driven
themout.
Later in 1969, FBI agents fabricated a letter to the mainly
whiteorganizers of a proposed Washington, D.C. anti-war rally demanding
thatthey pay the local Black community a $20,000 "security bond."
Thisattempted extortion was composed in the name of the local Black
UnitedFront (BUF) and signed with the forged signature of its leader.
FBIinformers inside the BUF then tried to get the group to back such ademand,
and Bureau contacts in the media made sure the story receivedwide
publicity.
The Senate Intelligence Committee uncovered a series of FBI
letters sentto top Panther leaders throughout 1970 in the name of Connie
Mathews, anintermediary between the Black Panther Party's national office
andPanther leader Eldridge Cleaver, in exile in Algeria. These
exquisiteforgeries were prepared on pilfered stationery in Panther
vernacularexpertly simulated by the FBI's Washington, D.C. laboratory.
Each wasforwarded to an FBI Legal Attache at a U.S. Embassy in a
foreigncountry that Mathews was due to travel through and then posted at
justthe right time "in such a manner that it cannot be traced to
theBureau." The FBI enhanced the eerie authenticity of these
fabricationsby lacing them with esoteric personal tidbits culled from
electronicsurveillance of Panther homes and offices. Combined with
otherforgeries, anonymous letters and phone calls, and the covertintervention
of FBI and police infiltrators, the Mathews correspondencesucceeded in
inflaming intra-party mistrust and rivalry until it eruptedinto the bitter
public split that shattered the organization in thewinter of
1971.
Anonymous Letters and Telephone Calls: During the 1960s,
activistsreceived a steady flow of anonymous letters and phone calls which
turn outto have been from the FBI. Some were unsigned, while others bore
bogus namesor purported to come from unidentified activists in phony or actual
organizations.
Many of these bogus communications promoted racial divisions
and fears,often by exploiting and exacerbating tensions between Jewish and
Blackactivists. One such FBI-concocted letter went to SDS members who
hadjoined Black students protesting New York University's discharge of aBlack
teacher in 1969. The supposed author, an unnamed "SDS member,"urged
whites to break ranks and abandon the Black students because ofalleged
anti-Semitic slurs by the fired teacher and hissupporters.
Other anonymous
letters and phone calls falsely accused movement leadersof collaboration with
the authorities, corruption, or sexual affairswith other activists'
mates. The letter on the next page was used toprovoke "a lasting
distrust" between a Black civil rights leader and hiswife. Its FBI
authors hoped that his "concern over what to do about it"would "detract from
his time spent in the plots and plans of hisorganization." As in the
Seberg incident, inter-racial sex was apersistent theme. The husband of
one white woman active in civil rightsand anti-war work filed for divorce soon
after receiving theFBI-authored letter reproduced on page 50.
Still other
anonymous FBI communications were designed to intimidatedissidents, disrupt
coalitions, and provoke violence. Calls to StokelyCarmichael's mother
warning of a fictitious Black Panther murder plotdrove him to leave the
country in September 1968. Similaranonymous FBI telephone threats to
SNCC leader James Forman wereinstrumental in thwarting efforts to bring the
two groupstogether.
The Chicago FBI made effective use of anonymous letters
to sabotage thePanthers efforts to build alliances with previously apolitical
Blackstreet gangs. The most extensive of these operations involved the
BlackP. Stone Nation, or "Blackstone Rangers," a powerful confederation
ofseveral thousand local Black youth. Early in 1969, as FBI and
policeinfiltrators in the Rangers spread rumors of an impending Pantherattack,
the Bureau sent Ranger chief Jeff Fort an incendiary note signed"a black
brother you don't know." Fort's supposed friend warned that"The brothers
that run the Panthers blame you for blocking their thingand there's supposed
to be a hit out for you." AnotherFBI-concocted anonymous "black man"
then informed Chicago Panther leaderFred Hampton of a Ranger plot "to get you
out of the way." Thesefabrications squelched promising talks between the
two groups andenabled Chicago Panther security chief William O'Neal, an
FBI-paidprovocateur, to instigate a series of armed confrontations from
whichthe Panthers barely managed to escape without serious
casualties.
Pressure Through Employers, Landlords, and
Others: FBI records revealrepeated maneuvers to generate
pressure on dissidents from theirparents, children, spouses, landlords,
employers, collegeadministrators, church superiors, welfare agencies, credit
bureaus, andthe like. Anonymous letters and telephone calls were often
used to thisend. Confidential official communications were effective in
bringing tobear the Bureau's immense power and authority.
Agents' reports
indicate that such FBI intervention denied Martin LutherKing, Jr., and other
1960s activists any number of foundation grants andpublic speaking
engagements. It also deprived alternativenewspapers of their printers,
suppliers, and distributors and cost themcrucial advertising revenues when
major record companies were persuadedto take their business elsewhere.
Similar government manipulationmay underlie steps recently taken by some
insurance companies to cancelpolicies held by churches giving sanctuary to
refugees from El Salvadorand Guatemala.
Tampering With Mail and Telephone
Service: The FBI and CIA routinelyused mail covers (the
recording of names and addresses) and electronicsurveillance in order to spy
on 1960s movements. The CIA alone admittedto photographing the outside
of 2.7 million pieces of first-class mailduring the 1960s and to opening
almost 215,000. Government agenciesalso tampered with mail, altering,
delaying, or "disappearing" it.Activists were quick to blame one another, and
infiltrators easilyexploited the situation to exacerbate their
tensions.
Dissidents' telephone communications often were similarly
obstructed.The SDS Regional Office in Washington, D.C., for instance,
mysteriouslylost its phone service the week preceding virtually every
nationalanti-war demonstration in the late 1960s.
Disinformation to Prevent or
Disrupt Movement Meetings and Activities:A favorite COINTELPRO tactic uncovered
by Senate investigators was toadvertise a non-existent political event, or to
misinform people of thetime and place of an actual one. They reported a
variety of disruptiveFBI "dirty tricks" designed to cast blame on the
organizers of movementevents.
In one "disinformation" case, the [FBI's]
Chicago Field Officeduplicated blank forms prepared by the National
Mobilization Committeeto End the War in Vietnam ("NMC") soliciting housing for
demonstratorsat the Democratic National Convention. Chicago filled out
217 of theseforms with fictitious names and addresses and sent them to the
NMC,which provided them to demonstrators who made "long and useless journeysto
locate these addresses." The NMC then decided to discard all
repliesreceived on the housing forms rather than have out-of-town
demonstratorstry to locate nonexistent addresses. (The same program was
carried outwhen the Washington Mobilization Committee distributed housing
forms fordemonstrators coming to Washington for the 1969 Presidential
inauguralceremonies.)
In another case, during the demonstrations
accompanying inaugurationceremonies, the Washington Field Office discovered
that NMC marshalswere using walkie-talkies to coordinate their movements and
activities.WFO used the same citizen band to supply the marshals
withmisinformation and, pretending to be an NMC unit, countermanded
NMCorders.
In a third case, a [Bureau] midwest field office disrupted
arrangementsfor state university students to attend the 1969
inauguraldemonstrations by making a series of anonymous telephone calls to
thetransportation company. The calls were designed to confuse both
thetransportation company and the SDS leaders as to the cost oftransportation
and the time and place for leaving and returning. Thisoffice also placed
confusing leaflets around the campus to showdifferent times and places for
demonstration-planning meetings, as wellas conflicting times and dates for
traveling to Washington.
** End of text from cdp:pn.publiceye
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