-Caveat Lector-
Treason in America -- From Aaron Burr to Averell Harriman
ANTON CHAITKIN (C)1984
New Benjamin Franklin House
P. O. Box 20551
New York, New York 10023
ISBN 0-933488-32-7
--[13b]--
The Conception and Birth of 'Reform':
Emerson, Carlyle, Engels
Here are you set down, scholars and idealists, as in a barbarous age: amidst
insanity to calm and guide it; amidst fools and blind, to see the right done;
among violent proprietors, to check self-interest . . . among angry
politicians swelling with self-esteem, pledged to parties . . . under bad
governments to force on them, by your persistence, good laws. Around that
immovable persistency of yours, statesmen, legislatures, must revolve denying
you, but not less forced to obey.(22)
�Ralph Waldo Emerson
Harvard College, 1867
Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882) may be thought of as the founder of American
Reform and its original guru. He gathered around himself and led the
"transcendentalists," such as Henry David Thoreau and Margaret Fuller, and
edited their journal, The Dial. With his reputation as a rebel against
established authority in the church, the government, and industry, Emerson's
writings and speeches inspired abolitionists, vegetarians, prohibitionists,
atheists, socialists, civil service reformers, free enterprise advocates�and
later movements such as the hippies of the 1960s and the greenies of the
1970s.
In the 1867 address quoted above, Emerson as an elder statesman is seen
passing the torch to the new generation of reformers in all fields. These
later reformers battled the authorities in American culture and displaced
them from power. The history books tell a story of greed and exploitation
being reversed or controlled by public-spirited men and women, inspired by
the courageous democratic souls true-blue Americans typified by Ralph Waldo
Emerson.
The real story is entirely opposite to this tradition. We have described in
earlier chapters the ugly role played by abolitionists in the creation of the
Civil War, and how the insincere sponsors of that movement deliberately
blocked the transformation of the South promoted by "moderate" American
System advocates such as Henry Clay and Abraham Lincoln.
Emerson was no democrat. He had no sympathy for the nation of Washington and
Lincoln. He was rather a lieutenant in a small army of foreign agents,
representing the imperial ambitions of Great Britain and the horrible
commercial appetites of certain Scots and their "old European" allies.
The Boston community into which Emerson was born was a tightly knit little
social island of British-connected merchants and Unitarian ministers. Since
the middle 1790s the leading families (Cabot, Lowell, Forbes, Higginson) of
this pro-Tory set had been in a state of rebellion against the United States
government, against the nation's new-won independence, against republicanism
in general.
Harvard College, the intellectual center of the treason, was run as a family
affair by the Boston secessionist leaders. Harvard's President John T.
Kirkland had greeted Aaron Burr when that disguised fugitive from justice had
snuck back into the country in May 1812. Kirkland had given Burr a check
drawn on the Harvard treasury to help him get back to New York.
Emerson, the son of a Unitarian minister, entered Harvard as the personal
servant, janitor, and family tutor for President Kirkland. That he was a good
candidate for the job of organizer for the British Party, may be seen by a
glimpse into some of his early diary entries.
These words were written when he was 19 years old:
I believe that nobody now regards the maxim that "all men are born equal," as
anything more than a convenient hypothesis or an extravagant declamation. For
the reverse is true that all men are born unequal in personal powers and in
those essential circumstances, of time, parentage, country, fortune. The
least knowledge of the natural history of man adds another important
particular to these; namely, what class of men he belongs to�European, Moor,
Tartar, African? Because nature has plainly assigned different degrees of
intellect to these different races, and the barriers between are
insurmountable.
This inequality is an indication of the design of Providence that some should
lead, and some should serve. For when an effect invariably takes place from
causes which Heaven established, we surely say with safety, that Providence
designed that result.
Throughout Society there is therefore not only the direct and acknowledged
relation of king & subject, master & servant, but a secret dependence quite
as universal, of one man upon another, which sway habits, opinions,
conduct.... the same pleasure and confidence which the dog and horse feel
when they rely upon the superior intelligence of man is felt by the lower
parts of our own species with reference to the higher.
. . . I saw ten, twenty, a hundred large lipped low browed black men in the
streets who, except in the mere matter of language, did not exceed the
sagacity of the elephant.... the African degenerates to a likeness of the
beast. . . . are they not an upper order of inferior animals?(23)
In a subsequent entry, Emerson opines that slavery is blasphemous and
illegitimate. But the racial and caste viewpoints expressed in the quotation
above remained the foundation of Emerson's thinking throughout his life, in
coexistence with "democratic" views expedient for various social-action
projects�such as the promotion of secession and civil war.
As late as 1838 he defended the slave trade in a letter to his wife: "To such
as she these crucifixions do not come. They come to the obtuse and barbarous
to whom they are not horrid, but only a little worse than the old sufferings.
They exchange a cannibal war for the stench of the hold. They have
gratifications which would be none for the civilized girl."
But as a college graduate Emerson was not yet "invented." After a brief,
depressing teaching career, he was equally unimpressive as yet another
Unitarian minister. For years he was a drifting, bored, purposeless liberal
preacher. In September 1832, at the age of 29; Emerson quit his pastorate,
choosing what he called "Socratic paganism" over "an effete superannuated
Christianity," and took a boat for Europe. After a tour of Italy and France,
he arrived in England.
At East India House, Emerson met with John Stuart Mill, who gave him a letter
of introduction to a young Scottish literary protege of his, Thomas Carlyle.
After an extended visit with Carlyle and his wife Jane, Emerson became
Carlyle's business representative, partner, disciple, and lifelong friend.
Emerson published and promoted Carlyle's books in the United States; Carlyle
did the same for Emerson in Great Britain. Emerson wrote to Carlyle calling
him "my general" and referring to himself as "your lieutenant."
Upon his return home Emerson married a new wife (his first had died before
the trip) and gathered an entirely new circle of friends around him�the
transcendentalists. He began an entirely new career as the famous "rebel"
leader on the lecture circuit, the darling of the Brahmins of Boston. While
attacking the "corruption" in America's commitment to material progress,
Emerson preached a new morality of romantic selfishness "self-reliance": "A
political victory, a rise of rents, the recovery of your sick, or the return
of your absent friend, or some other quite external event, raises your
spirits, and you think good days are preparing for you. Do not believe it....
Nothing can bring you peace but yourself. Nothing can bring you peace but the
triumph of principles."(24)
The new creed of quietude, of estrangement from "corrupt society," was
embellished with translations and interpretation of certain existentialist
Eastern writings (Persian, Indian). But the peculiar Transcendentalist
atmosphere of neurosis, of heavy "sensitivity" flirting with homosexuality,
is a replication of the worst of the German romantic genre which Emerson
imported under the tutelage of that movement's interpreter in Britain, Thomas
Carlyle.
The creation of Ralph Waldo Emerson's reputation as a deeply wise, sincere
advocate of the oppressed, etc., now became the project of the leading
Brahmin families. James Elliot Cabot was to be his editor and executive arm;
John Murray Forbes would be his financial angel.
How Carlyle Was Assembled
The Oracles are dumm,
No voice or hideous humm
Runs through the arched roof in words deceiving.
Apollo from his shrine
Can no more divine,
With hollow shriek the steep of Delphos leaving.
No nightly trance, or breathed spell Inspires the pale-ey'd Priest from the
prophetic cell.
. . . and sullen Moloch fled
Hath left in shadows dred
His burning Idol all of blackest hue;
. . . The brutish gods of Nile as fast,
Isis and Orus, and the Dog Anubis has.
Nor is Osiris seen. . .
In vain with Timbrel'd Anthems dark
The sable-stoled Sorcerers bear his worshiped Ark.
He feels from Juda's Land
The dredded Infant's hand,
. . . Our Babe to shew his godhead true,
Can in his swadling bands controul the damned crew.
�The pagan gods--and their earthly sponsors�are put to rout in John Milton's
On the Morning of Christ's Nativity.
The famous Scottish fascist Thomas Carlyle (1795 1881), whose disciple Ralph
Waldo Emerson became after their first meeting in 1833, was the son of a
Calvinist carpenter, descended from workingmen and farmers. His career as a
prophet of feudalism owed little to family or early friends. We shall briefly
describe the small circle of British strategic planners who adopted Carlyle
and put his rage against humanity to work.
Henry Brougham, later known as Baron Brougham and Vaux, told the House of
Commons on April 9, 1816:
After the cramped state in which the enemy's measures and our own retaliation
. . . had kept our trade for some years . . . a rage for exporting goods of
every kind burst forth.... Everything that could be shipped was sent off; all
the capital that could be laid hold of was embarked.... It was well worth
while to incur a loss upon the first exportation in order by the glut to
stifle in the cradle those rising manufactures in the United States which the
war [of 1812] had forced into existence contrary to the usual course of
things.(25)
Between 1816 and 1820, the flood of British imports had indeed crippled
American production. The resulting depression lasted until the middle 1820s,
when the American System political movement�created by Mathew Carey and led
by Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams utilized the government's powers to
direct a vigorous industrial expansion.
The frank admission of the aims of British trade war, quoted above, caused a
sensation when American nationalists publicized it in the United States. The
speech had been reprinted in the June, 1816 issue of the Edinburgh Review, a
journal whose creation had been sponsored by Lord Brougham. Henry Brougham,
it seems, was a new type of "liberal" a reformer in the new style of Lord
Shelburne's Scottish-Swiss intelligence clique.
The Edinburgh Review was to be an instrument of cultural warfare for these
new lords of British (and Asian) society. The Review was founded on the
suggestion of Sydney-Smith, a theologian who led the movement to prohibit the
introduction of Christianity into India. After Smith edited the first few
issues, the editorship was entrusted to Smith's friend Francis Jeffrey.
It was Lord Brougham who first brought the struggling Scottish author James
Mill into public view by arranging for him to begin writing articles for the
Edinburgh Review in 1808. In that year Mill met and surrendered himself to
the anti-Christian gospels of Jeremy Bentham. Mill, with his young son John
Stuart, henceforth lived with Bentham, as his worshippers and tenants (Mill
said "Bentham will have a disciple able and anxious to devote his whole life
to 'the propagation of the system' ").
James Mill completed his book The History of India in 1818. The following
year he was hired by the East India Company for its intelligence department,
of which he became the chief in 1830.
It was his duty as Examiner of Correspondence to receive and analyze field
reports from Asia, develop continuing strategies for the Company's overall
management, and to draft orders for its military and civilian officials which
were submitted to the Director and Chairman for their signatures. As the
Company's public spokesman he defended its right to continue ruling India in
interrogations before Parliament in 1831 and 1832, declaring that the Indians
were not fit people for self-rule.(26)
James Mill brought his friend David Ricardo to publish his work on political
economy and to enter Parliament, while Mill trained son John Stuart to follow
in his own footsteps.
When Ralph Waldo Emerson arrived at the East India House in 1833, the younger
Mill was already a 10-year veteran in the intelligence department headed by
his father. Over the next quarter century he rose in power in the Company,
until in 1856 he assumed his father's old command post. John Stuart Mill was
thus the day-to-day superintendent of the holocaust in which the British put
down the 1857 Indian rebellion.
Thomas Carlyle, in his early thirties, had achieved no literary career. After
attending E&burgh University, Carlyle had written a life of Friedrich
Schiller, published in 1825. Three years later the publisher sold 600
unbought copies back to the frustrated author.
But beginning in 1827, Edinburgh Review editor Francis Jeffrey began opening
doors for Thomas Carlyle. Readers may rememberJeffrey from Chapter 8 of this
book: he made a daring trip to the enemy U.S.A. during the War of 1812,
conferring there with John Lowell ("The Rebel"), leader of the Boston antiwar
crusade. Arrested and briefly held by American authorities as an enemy alien,
he had been summoned before Secretary of
State James Monroe on the quite logical assumption that he was a
representative of the British government.
Jeffrey introduced his new, quaintly accented asset into all the right
circles; he bought and published Carlyle's literary offerings even when he
thought them of inferior quality; he lent Carlyle money to get established.
When Emerson met with him, Carlyle was midway through a 10-year testing
period by the East India nabobs and their Radical Party. When Carlyle's
autobiographical fiction Sartor Resartus was published in Boston through
Emerson's mediation, the author was as yet (1837) virtually unknown to the
public.
The final assembly of Thomas Carlyle was up to "the boss." John Stuart Mill
brought Carlyle reference materials for the construction of a history of the
French Revolution. The first volume being completed with great effort,
Carlyle turned over the manuscript to Mill. After it was perused by Mill and
his mistress, the manuscript�which Mill said he thought "deficient"�was
conveniently thrown in the fire by the maid. Mill gave the horror-stricken
author �100 to try again, and the three-volume study in historical
myth-making was at length satisfactory and ready for publication.
This is how John Stuart Mill explained his course of action to ensure that
Carlyle would now be made a celebrity: "[It was] a book so strange &
incomprehensible to the greater part of the public, that whether it should
succeed or fail seemed to depend upon the turn of a die�but I got the first
work, blew the trumpet before it at its first coming out & by claiming for it
the honour of the highest genius frightened the small fry of critics from
pronouncing a hasty condemnation, got fair play for it & then its success was
sure."
Mill wrote and published his shameless puffery in the London and Westminster
Review, a publication under his entire supervision, dated July 1837:
This is not so much a history, as an epic poem; and notwithstanding, or even
in consequence of this, the truest of histories. It is the history of the
French Revolution, and the poetry of it, both in one; and on the whole no
work of greater genius, either historical or poetical, has been pronounced in
this country for many years. It is a book . . . of distinguished originality
... of surpassing excellence.... what is it, in the fictitious subjects which
poets usually treat, that makes those subjects poetical? Surely not the dry,
mechanical facts which compose the story; but the feelings . . . which the
story, or the manner of relating it, awakens in our minds.(27)
The book, The French Revolution, was an international success and made Thomas
Carlyle a famous man. It does not concern itself with "the dry, mechanical
facts." The following excerpt purports to describe the events in Paris
following King Louis XVI's dismissal of Swiss banker Jacques Necker from the
post of Finance Minister, after Necker had repeatedly sabotaged and subverted
the administration for its failure to cut the national budget:
Hark! a human voice reporting articulately the Job's news: Necker, People's
Minister, Savior of France, is dismi~linpossible, incredible! . . . Necker is
gone. Necker hies northward incessantly, in obedient secrecy, since
yester-night. We have a new ministry; Broglie the War-god; Aristocrat
Breteuil; Foulon who said the people might eat grass!
Rumour, therefore, shall arise.... Paleness sits on every face; confused
tremor and fremescence; waxing into thunderpeals of Fury stirred on by Fear.
But see Camille Desmoulins, from the Cafe de Fay, rushing out, sybylline in
face, his hair streaming, in each hand a pistol! He springs to a table: the
Police satellites are eyeing him; alive they shall not take him.... Friends!
shall we die like hunted hares? like sheep . . . bleating for mercy.... The
hour is come ... when Oppressors are to try conclusions with Oppressed; and
the word is, swift Death, or Deliverance forever.... Us, meseems, one cry
only befits: to Arms! Let Universal Paris. . . as with the throat of the
whirlwind, sound only: to arms! "To arms" yell responsive the innumerable
voices; like one great voice, as of a demon yelling from the air; for all
faces wax fire-eyed, all hearts burn up into madness. In such, or fitter
words, does Camille evoke the Elemental Powers....
The wax-bust of Necker, the wax-bust of [the Duc] d'Orleans, helpers of
France: these covered with crape . . . a mixed multitude bears off....
In this manner march they . . . armed with axes, staves . . . grim,
many-sounding through the streets. Be all theatres shut; let all dancing . .
. cease! Instead of a Christian Sabbath . . . it shall be a Sorcerers
Sabbath, and Paris, gone rabid, dance - with the Fiend for Piper!(28)
This is the historical method" of the fascist movement, with J. S. Mill for
piper. The people are possessed, says Carlyle, but not by Necker, d'Orleans,
Bentham, and Shelburne, as the historical record would show. The people must
have revenge, must purge themselves with blood.
Carlyle's next famous work was On Heroes, Hero-Worship and the Heroic in
History. Here Carlyle openly calls for a revival of paganism and the
surrender of all mankind to totalitarian rule. He retells the myths of the
Norse gods (Thor, Odin) and connects them to what was, in his view, the
racially superior Nordic stock of men. These rude biological ancestors of
many Britons, he claims, constitute the heritage of England-not the prophets
of the Bible, Jesus Christ, and the Mediterranean Renaissance civilization.
The cultural inheritance that fell to Shakespeare is of no
account�Shakespeare was great, says Carlyle, because he was completely
unconscious when he wrote, as in a reverie! And on what should modern man
build his faith?
Now if worship even of a star had some meaning in it, how much more might
that of a Hero!. . . I say there is, at bottom, nothing else admirable! No
nobler feeling than this of admiration for one higher than himself dwells in
the breast of man. It is to this hour, and at all hours, the vivifying
influence in man's life. Religions I find stand on it; not Paganism only, but
far higher and truer religions, all region hitherto known. Hero-worship,
heartfelt prostrate admiration, submission, burning, boundless, for a noblest
godlike Form of Man.(29)
After the publication of this piece in 1841, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Carlyle's
American representative, began retailing this theme in his own public lecture
series, retitling it On Representative Man.
Edgar Allan Poe commented, 'The next work of Carlyle will be entitled Bow
Wow, and the title-page will have a motto from the opening chapter of the
Koran: 'There is no error in this book.'"
Carlyle wrote Occasional Discourse on the Nigger Question in 1849, describing
the emancipated blacks in the British West Indies "sitting yonder with their
beautiful muzzles up to their ears in pumpkins, imbibing sweet pulps and
juices; the grinder and incisor teeth ready for ever new work, and the
pumpkins cheap as grass in those rich climates: while the sugar crops rot
around them uncut...."
He calls for laws forcing the blacks to work for their former masters, wages
or no, for life terms. He says there is only "one intolerable sort of
slavery.... It is the slavery of the strong to the weak.... [with] Folly, all
'emancipated'... armed with ballot boxes, universal suffrages . . .
statistics, Constitutional Philosophies, and other Fool Gospels....' (30)
Carlyle's way was in these later years made considerably easier by the
patronage of the Baring family. The Second Lord Ashburton, head of the family
in the middle 1800s, hosted Carlyle and his wife in royal fashion at the
Baring Castle; Lord and Lady Ashburton became the most intimate confidantes
of Thomas Carlyle. Lord Ashburton was the grandson of Francis Baring, who had
been chairman of the East India Company and founder of the Baring bank. The
Barings from Francis on financed all the Company's trade, and that of the
Boston merchants who cooperated with the British in Asia.
Carlyle's own house became the main British base of operations for "Third
Rome" anarchist leader Giuseppe Mazzini; Jane Carlyle was Mazzini's dearest
friend. And in his old age, Carlyle acquired two worshipful disciples: John
Ruskin and William T. Stead, feudalist founders of the British Round Table
(Mr. Stead will play a role in our story later on, as an espionage agent
against the United States in the 1890s).
It was in the prime of his career, in 1843, that Carlyle published a book on
the oppression of workingmen by industries and industrialists Past and
Present. The next year he was greeted in the public prints with the
praise�and imitation�of a disciple of a new type, a new Englishman, in fact.
Communism as a Weapon of Feudalism
So much is certain: comparative physiology gives one a withering contempt for
the idealistic exaltation of man over the other animals. At every step one
bumps up against the most complete uniformity of structure with the rest of
the mammals, and in its main features this uniformity extends
to all vertebrates and even . . . to insects, crustaceans,
tapeworms, etc.
These lines were written in the summer of 1858 by a British cotton
manufacturer. For four years he had been a member of the Board of Directors
of the Manchester Cotton Exchange, delegated to represent the interests of
those manufacturers, like his family's firm, who bought slave cotton from the
American South; worked up the cotton with virtual slave laborers in filthy
Manchester mills; and sold their product at the point of a gun in British
India, where it was traded for opium to be forced on the Chinese.
It was a time of feverish activity for these gentlemen. Their American source
was being agitated by insurrectionists preparing secession and war against
the U.S. government. Nathaniel Beverly Tucker of Virginia, the treasonous
American consul in Liverpool, was making final arrangements with his friends
and relatives for the exchange of cotton for raiding ships and guns (his
cousin Henry St. George Tucker had been Chairman of the East India Company).
Manchester was the industrial center of the world-spanning slave-labor
textile empire. It was also the birthplace and political center of the
international "free trade" faction, whose goal was to reduce the rest of the
world to rural raw-material suppliers and finished-product buyers, on the
model of Alabama and India.
The author of the fines quoted above, typical of these gentlemen in his
"withering contempt" for mankind, is without question the most famous British
manufacturer in history.
He hunted foxes as a member of all the "smart" clubs. His personal profit
share from the family thread and yarn mills ran as high as �4,000 per year,
in addition to his �1,000 per year salary as manager of the Manchester plant
employing 800 operatives.
But his fame rests on a political project with which he was entrusted. He was
Frederick Engels, founder of "Marxism," author of its doctrines and personal
controller of Karl Marx.
Marxism�the communist movement�was one of a number of weapons created by
British strategists to counter the spread of American System political ideas
and nationalist economic organization to the European continent.
The young Engels, who paid homage to feudalist hero Thomas Carlyle in 1844,
was born in Germany's Rhineland, in 1820. His father, Frederick Engels, Sr.,
owned a textile mill in the Wupper valley�an area of strong British influence
known as "Little England"; the twin towns of Barmen and Elberfeld were called
"Little Manchester." The elder Engels was the first manufacturer in the area
to introduce English machinery into his plant.
In 1837, Engels, Sr., accepted the offer of Peter and Godfrey Ermen,
British-based manufacturers from a Dutch noble family, to form a partnership
incorporating his factory with the ones they owned in Cologne and Manchester.
It is the political significance of the Engels family affiliations� the
choosing of sides�rather than the strictly commercial aspects, which were of
greatest significance. For Germany was at that time locked in a growing
struggle between the republican allies of the American System, advocating
national unification and rapid German industrial development, as against the
"free trade" allies of the British nabobs, who sought a continuation of
Germany's division into largely rural, petty principalities.
The leader of Germany's republican party was Friedrich List. He had been
elected president of the 6,000-member German industrialists' association in
1819. His proposal for a customs union (Zollverein) had challenged the
reactionary order imposed on Europe by the British and the Hapsburgs' Count
Metternich at the Congress of Vienna.
Upon the invitation of the Marquis de Lafayette, with the encouragement of
John Quincy Adams' State Department, List took refuge in the United States
from Metternich's persecution. He joined Lafayette's triumphal American tour
in 1825 as a translator for the General, and was introduced to Benjamin
Franklin's old revolutionary employee Mathew Carey.
With Carey and his friends in Pennsylvania, Friedrich List studied the
nation-building precepts of Alexander Hamilton; he participated with Carey
and Henry Clay in the successful fight for stronger tariffs and
government-directed industrial growth; he developed coal mines in
northeastern Pennsylvania and built an early pre-steam railroad to carry the
coal-probably the first railroad in the United States.
- List returned to Europe in 1830 as the American consul in Paris, one of the
world's foremost economic and political thinkers. He moved on to Germany,
serving in three cities as American consul. Under his renewed leadership the
German republicans successfully created the Zollverein on Jan. 1, 1834,
lowering the tariffs between the principalities and erecting tariff barriers
against British dumping of cheap imports.
- As List explained the republicans' outlook, "Government, sir, has not only
the right, but it is its duty, to promote everything which may increase the
wealth and power of the nation.... So the shipping interest and commerce must
be supported by breakwaters�agriculture and every other industry by
turnpikes, bridges, canals, and rail-roads�new inventions by patent laws so
manufactures must be raised by protecting them if foreign capital and skill
prevent individuals from undertaking them."
The Zollverein was seen as a step toward a great commercial and industrial
alliance of continental Europe and America to break Britain's stranglehold on
world development:
European nations . . . must commence with the development of their own
internal manufacturing powers.... Should they be hindered in these endeavors
by England's manufacturing, commercial, and naval supremacy, in the union of
their powers lies the only means of reducing such unreasonable
pretensions.... Every war which the powers of the continent have waged
against one another [in the last century] has had for its invariable result
to increase the industry, the wealth, the navigation, the colonial
possessions, and the power of the insular supremacy [of Britain].(31)
In his book, The National System of Political Economy, List gives the
rationale for national independence, in opposition to the world-view of the
East India Company:
The present state of the nations is the result of the accumulation of all
discoveries, inventions, improvements, perfections, and exertions of all
generations which have lived before us . . . and every separate nation is
productive only in the proportion in which it has known how to appropriate
these attainments of former generations and to increase them by its own
acquirements....(32)
In 1835, List began publication of a journal whose title translates as 'The
Railroad Journal or National Magazine of Inventions, Discoveries and Progress
in Commerce, Industry, Public Undertakings and Public Institutions, and of
Statistics of National Economy and Finance. " Within the government of
Prussia, dominant among the German states, List's journal was "received
favorably by the Minister of War, Witzleben, and by A[lexander] Humboldt
[pro-American scientist]. Its influence spread rapidly throughout Europe. By
the end of 1835, Prince Metternich outlawed this journal in Austria....
Metternich said List was 'the most active, wary, and influential of the
German revolutionaries.' "(33)
Since the republican program for national unification and economic
development had overwhelming public support, the British and their princely
allies had to create self-styled "liberal" and "radical" movements to stem
the tide. Among these was the Young Germany movement, set up in Switzerland
in 1831 by British foreign minister Henry Palmerston, its thousands of
refugee members and operatives ranging back and forth from its Swiss base.
This was the training ground for the young Frederick Engels. As Engels later
put it, "Young Germany was obliged . . . to take up social questions. While
the middle classes of Germany kill their time . . . making it their chief
business to effect some very little, almost invisible, good-for-nothing
reform . . . the working people of our country read and digest the writings
of the greatest German Philosophers...."(34) As we will see momentarily,
Engels' own course of study was not confined to the "greatest German
philosophers."
The political and diplomatic offensive thrown into gear by the British
against the American System in Europe in the 1830s and 1840s would be
reapplied, with considerable sophistication, against the continuation of
Abraham Lincoln's economic program in the United States after the Civil War.
The secret British war against the German republicans was under the immediate
guidance of Dr. John Bowring (1792-1872) and his colleague, the Manchester
textile manufacturer Richard Cobden (1804-1865).
Bowring had been the personal secretary of Jeremy Bentham and was the
executor of his will. When Bentham had set up the radical Westminster Review
in 1824, he had offered its editorship to James Mill, who declined it because
of his duties with the East India Company; Bowring became its editor. Bowring
had otherise been arrested and banished from France on charges of espionage
and jailbreak conspiracy; he was the semi-official representative of the
spy-base island of Malta in the British Parliament; and in the 1850s he would
be ambassador to China and Commander in Chief of British Forces in the Far
East, where he ordered the attacks beginning the Second Opium War against the
Chinese.
--cont--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic
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frauds is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects
spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL
gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers;
be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and
nazi's need not apply.
Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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Om
