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-Caveat Lector-

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/5961797/
Is America safer? Pulitzer Prize-winning author examines how U.S. got from
9/11 to the war in Iraq
Seymour Hersh

Sept. 12, 2004 - It’s been three years since the Sept. 11 attacks, and
Americans observed the anniversary with memorials, prayers and debate. Is
the country any safer today from the threat of terrorism than it was then?
Did President Bush do the right thing in launching a war against Iraq, and
was it worth the price? Author Seymour Hersh doesn't think so. He believes
that somewhere over the past three years the Bush administration took a very
wrong turn. In his new book, "Chain of Command," he tells the story of a top
secret intelligence unit that he says answers directly to the highest levels
of the Pentagon and how its early successes led to shameful excesses that
dealt a serious blow to America's war on terror. Read an excerpt below:

In May 2004, at the height of the Abu Ghraib prison abuse scandal, a senior
political Republican Party operative was given the reassuring word that Vice
President Dick Cheney had taken charge, with his usual directness. The
operative learned that Cheney had telephoned Donald Rumsfeld with a simple
message: No resignations. We’re going to hunker down and tough it out.

Cheney’s concern was not national security. This was a political call—a
reminder that the White House would seize control of every crisis that could
affect the re-election of George Bush. The Abu Ghraib revelations, if left
unchecked, could provoke more public doubt about the wisdom of the war in
Iraq, and about the sometimes brutal intelligence operations that were used
to wage it. The White House and Pentagon also would have to work together to
prevent Congress and the press from unraveling an incendiary secret—that
undercover members of an intelligence unit that operated in secret in the
name of every American had been at Abu Ghraib. The senior leadership in the
White House has been aware since January of the mess at Abu Ghraib, and,
more importantly, of the fact that photographs and videotapes existed, and
might someday reach the public. As we have seen, the military chain of
command had ignored the possibility of higherup involvement and moved
quickly to prosecute the military police who had committed the acts—“the
kids at the end of the food chain,” as a former senior intelligence official
put it: “We’ve got some hillbilly kids out of control.”

The perception persists that this was Rumsfeld’s war, and that it was his
assertiveness and his toughness that sometimes led to the bombing of the
wrong target or the arrest of innocents. But Cheney’s involvement in trying
to conceal the import of Abu Ghraib was not unusual; it was a sign of the
teamwork at the top. George Bush talked about “smoking them out of their
holes” and wanting them “dead or alive,” and Rumsfeld was the one who set up
the mechanism to get it done. The defense secretary would hold the difficult
news conferences and take the heat in public, as he did about Abu Ghraib,
but the President and Vice President had been in it, and with him, all the
way. Rumsfeld handled the dirty work and kept the secrets, but he and the
two White House leaders were a team.

There is so much about this presidency that we don’t know, and may never
learn. Some of the most important questions are not even being asked. How
did they do it? How did eight or nine neoconservatives who believed that a
war in Iraq was the answer to international terrorism get their way? How did
they redirect the government and rearrange long-standing American priorities
and policies with so much ease? How did they overcome the bureaucracy,
intimidate the press, mislead the Congress, and dominate the military? Is
our democracy that fragile? I have tried, in this book, to describe some of
the mechanisms used by the White House—the stovepiping of intelligence, the
reliance on Ahmad Chalabi, the refusal to hear dissenting opinions, the
difficulty of getting straight talk about military operations gone bad, and
the inability—or unwillingness—of the President and his senior aides to
distinguish between Muslims who supported terrorism and those who abhorred
it. A complete understanding of these last few years will be a challenge for
journalists, political scientists, and historians.

Many of the failings, however, were in plain sight. The Administration’s
manipulation and distortion of the intelligence about Iraq’s ties to Al
Qaeda and its national security threat to the United States was anything but
a secret in Washington, as the pages of this book make clear. And yet the
Republican-led Senate Intelligence Committee, after a year-long
investigation, published a report, in July 2004, stating that the critical
mistakes were made not in the White House, but at the C.I.A., whose analysts
essentially missed the story. There was an astonishing postscript that told
much about the disarray in Washington. Three Democrats, John D. Rockefeller
IV of West Virginia, the vice chairman of the committee, Carl Levin of
Michigan, who is also the ranking Democrat on the Armed Services Committee,
and Richard Durbin of Illinois, signed a separate statement disavowing the
report’s central findings. “Regrettably, the report paints an incomplete
picture of what occurred during this period of time,” they wrote, noting
that the “central issue” of how intelligence was misused by the
Administration and the pre-war role of Ahmad Chalabi would be included in a
second report—one that was not to be made public until after the
presidential election. “As a result,” they wrote, “the Committee’s phase one
report fails to fully explain the environment of intense pressure in which
Intelligence Community officials were asked to render judgments on matters
relating to Iraq, when policy officials had already forcefully stated their
own conclusions in public.”

And yet, Rockefeller, Levin, and Durbin put their names on the report,
helping to make it appear unanimous and bipartisan. There are, once again,
unanswered questions. Why didn’t the Democrats take a stronger stand? How
much influence did the White House exert on the Republican members of the
committee? Why didn’t the press go beyond the immediate facts? The inner
workings of the committee were in many ways a more important story than its
findings.

Excerpted from "Chain of Command." Copyright © 2004 by Seymour M. Hersh. All
rights reserved. Used by permission. HarperCollins Publishers.










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www.ctrl.org
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
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