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http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/columns/html/20050604T200000-0500_81761_OBS_THE_NAKED_AND_THE_UN_DEAD.asp

The naked and the un-dead
Common Sense
John Maxwell
Sunday, June 05, 2005

Havana, Cuba. Friday: For anyone who might feel queasy at killing a
cockroach, the words and the images are more than disturbing: they begin
to remodel one's view of 'human nature' itself.
John Maxwell

Even though we know, in Jamaica, that people kill other people at the rate
of two dozen a week, nothing can prepare us for the sight and sound of
Orlando Bosch - a Cuban-born professional murderer, attempting to justify
his part in killing a planeload of innocents off the coast of Barbados 30
years ago.

To Bosch they all deserved to die. The members of a Korean trade mission
were, to him, evil allies of Fidel Castro; the teenaged Cuban fencing team
was fair game because they were 'niggers' - teenagers who had won every
fencing medal at the Pan American Games and were taking the medals home to
present to Castro because "he had been so good to them".

The Guyanese students on their way to medical school in Cuba deserved to
die because "Bishop (sic) was then president of Guyana" and so on.

It was worse to hear the stories of the survivors of the United States'
four decades war against Cuba. Mothers awoke to the sound of gunfire to
find their children's shredded bodies beside them, the young girl who had
dreamt of growing up to wear high heels awoke to find her feet amputated
by a 50 calibre machine gun bullet; the survivor of the sabotage of the
ammunition ship La Coubre in Havana harbour - when hundreds died - awoke
to find himself covered by human body parts.

And what could prepare you for the story of Hebe de Bonafini who has spent
almost every day for the last 26 years with other mothers in the Plaza de
Mayo in Buenos Aires, Argentina, calling for justice for their children,
tortured, murdered and 'disappeared'.

Bosch (left) and Posada Carriles. planned and executed the bombing of a
Cubana Airlines plane on October 6, 1976

Bonafini lost one son to the murderers of the state, then another, then
her house was burnt down; one of her compatriots disappeared, then
another; Susanna, Estela and Mariposa, because they insisted on going to
the Plaza de Mayo to demand justice.

And then she met the plausible young lieutenant who came ostensibly to
give comfort but who was in reality a spy and a murderer himself. The
mothers were terrified. Somehow they found the courage to continue. They
read American-produced manuals of torture approved by the US State
Department and the CIA.

One manual even instructed torturers in the kidnapping of children to
terrorise the population. Pregnant women were murdered; babies and
children of murdered mothers taken from them and given to their torturers
and high officials of state, to be reared as anti-communist activists.

And the mothers read the manuals and learned in excruciating detail of the
obscene horrors their children had been made to suffer, all in the name of
anti-Communism and "Operation Condor".

"Operation Condor" was the name of a US-sponsored programme of terrorist
murder, torture and 'disappearance' intended to cleanse Latin America of
socialists and communists and revolutionaries and whoever got in the way
of their crusade.

Operation Condor murdered Orlando Letelier, President Allende's foreign
minister, seeking justice in Washington for his murdered leader. Condor
murdered Ronnie Moffitt, Letelier's American secretary, blown up in the
same fireball Condor made of Letelier's car. Condor killed Chilean
generals Orlando Leighton in Rome and Carlos Prats in Argentina, because
they were known to be loyal to the oaths they had sworn to protect Chile.

More than 3,000 friends of Cuba are in Havana, hearing evidence, giving
testimony, intended to pressure the US to do the decent thing - to
surrender Luis Posada Carriles to a properly constituted Venezuelan court
to answer charges that he engineered the mass murder of 73 people in a
Cubana Airlines plane off the coast of Barbados on October 6, 1976.

The Government and people of Cuba insist that they do not want revenge,
only justice. They take President Bush seriously when he says that if you
are not against terrorism, then you are a terrorist, or that he who
shelters a terrorist is a terrorist himself.

Last week, the Cubans exposed a whole panorama of terrorism. As they
pointed out, they have been terrorised for 46 years, ever since Castro,
Che Guevara, Camilo Cienfuegos and Juan Almeida led the 26th of July
movement in its three-year-long guerrilla war against the bloody tyranny
of Fulgencio Batista.

Batista's henchmen presented to Haydee Santamaria, on a plate, the eyes of
her murdered brother Abel. Today, nearly half-a-century later, the Cuban
people are facing the same enemies, using the same methods to frighten
them out of their freedom and rob them of their dignity.

In 1960, I was arrested in Havana's Parque Central. I was taking pictures
of the young children of Juventud Rebelde (a sort of junior cadet corps)
marching in the Parque Central.

A week or so earlier, Life magazine had published a spread on the same
troop of Juventud Rebelde, drilling in the same park. The pictures had
been taken by a Black American photographer. I was released to great
jubilation when the police discovered that I was a British subject:
"Ingles! Ingles!" they shouted when I found a UN temporary Press pass from
the year before.

I had gone to Cuba at my own expense to find out about this Cuban
revolution which was creating so many waves in North America. Everybody I
knew was against my trip. Wills Isaacs, then minister of trade and
industry, offered me a year on an Israeli kibbutz if I would give up my
'dangerous' plan.

In Cuba I found teenagers teaching their elders to read, I found the army
leading construction brigades hand assembling prefabricated concrete
houses to replace the 'bohios' (thatched huts) in Pinar del Rio. I saw and
heard Fidel and Che at a million-strong meeting in the Plaza de la
Revolucion and interviewed Carlos Rafael Rodriquez. I learned about the
Agrarian reform.

I met former prostitutes who rejoiced in the fact that Fidel had freed
them from bondage, teachers who had previously 'rented' their jobs from
soldiers, milicianos and milicianas intent on creating a new Cuba. Right
in front of the National Capitol was a huge sign advertising Coca Cola.
Inside, the Capitol had been transformed into the Ministry for the
Recovery of Stolen National Property.

The workers were militant. At Cuba's biggest daily newspaper, Diario de La
Marina, the workers insisted on inserting 'coletillas' - brief disclaimers
attached to anti-Castro propaganda reports. The management resisted; the
Government intervened, the paper was taken over. Freedom of the Press, the
Americans said, was dead in Cuba.

The night I arrived in Cuba, bandits sped down the Prado spraying machine
gunfire indiscriminately.
About that time, signs produced by the US Embassy began appearing on the
houses of those more loyal to the US than to their own country: "This
building is under the protection of the United States of America."

Like magic, new signs sprouted the next day: "This house is under the
protection of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of the Republic of Cuba."

"We are no Communist, we are Humanist," the people told me then.
Policemen could not be seen in bars. Pregnant women were told to go see
their doctors every six weeks. Most Cuban doctors had deserted to the US.
The Government began a crash programme to train doctors.

Nowadays, every city block has its own doctor, its own clinic. Thousands
of Cuban doctors and nurses and teachers work in countries all over the
developing world and Cuban biotechnology is among the world's best.

The Cubans estimate that the United States campaigns, not including the
embargo, have cost them more than 3,000 lives and $65 billion. The embargo
has cost them another $79 billion.
Despite this punishment, the Cubans' education and health services are
among the best in the world, and rates of crime and HIV/AIDS are
practically undetectable.

The odds of getting mugged in Cuba are probably about the same as in
Greenland.
In all the words spoken at this conferencethen head of DISIP - the
Venezuelan Secret Service) had plans to leave Venezuela after the bombing
and that Henry Kissinger, then national security adviser to President
Ford, was aware of the facts and that the CIA was attempting to get him
out;

. the United States intervened to get official Salvadoran identity papers
for Posada Carriles who then became national security adviser to the
Salvadorean Government;

. in 1992, Posada Carriles spent six-and-a-half hours in the US Embassy in
Tegucigalpa, Honduras;

. A bomb exploded at la Guardia Airport in New York - the most atrocious
attack until then, in the USA. The perpetrator was Orlando Otero
Hernandez, eventually identified as the culprit while he was in Chile with
Bosch as the guest of Pinochet. He got eight years in prison for the
atrocity.

Then there is the case of the Miami Five, Cubans sentenced in Miami to
long jail terms for "espionage", although the evidence presented made it
clear that they were not spying against the US but gathering information
against terrorists.

They infiltrated the Cuban Mafia in Miami and learned of plots to blow up
aircraft. Their information was sent by Cuba to the proper authorities in
the USA as required under the Montreal Convention.
Instead of arresting the plotters, the US arrested the informants and
sentenced them to long terms in jail, at huge distances from their
families and under conditions which amount to torture.

While the Miami police were busy rounding up the Cubans and framing them
for espionage, several gentlemen from Saudi Arabia and elsewhere were
undergoing flight training at airfields nearby, for a mission that would
shake the world.

Copyright  John Maxwell

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