-Caveat Lector-

>From http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/world/1999/0427/wor4.htm

Tuesday, April 27, 1999

KLA wants air strikes to assist ground offensive
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NATO is anxious not to further the KLA's political ambitions, writes Chris
Stephen from Kukes

Kosovo: NATO officials were due to meet last night in Brussels with
officials of the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army to consider requests for
bombing missions to support guerilla operations.

The KLA wants air attacks to smash Serb forces which are blocking their
efforts to push into Kosovo from neighbouring Albania to link up with forces
trapped with thousands of refugees inside the province.

But NATO officials are worried that, in the long term, the KLA intends to
establish a dictatorship in Kosovo, and are reluctant to launch military
strikes that will help it achieve this.

"NATO will not be the KLA's airforce," said one Western official close to
the talks last night. "Can you imagine NATO establishing a protectorate in
Kosovo and then the KLA establish a military dictatorship? There's no way
the international community is going to have that."

NATO officials are concerned that the KLA appears to be trying to dominate
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian political parties, now exiled in surrounding
countries.

Militarily, the alliance says such air strikes are possible. The KLA has
spent the past week pushing into Kosovo with units being fed in through the
northern Albanian border town of Bajram Curri.

It now holds a rectangular piece of mountainous wooded territory, 5 km deep
by about 10 km across, anchored on the Albanian border, but the precarious
main supply route is constantly targeted by Serbian artillery. Inside the
pocket, troops have hit a brick wall - the well-defended village of Junik,
south west of the town of Decani. Beyond Junik is the north-south highway
used to move Serbian troops, and the scene of NATO's erroneous attack on a
refugee convoy earlier this month. Beyond that are more guerrilla units
close to the village of Glodjane.

The KLA says that forming a link would allow it to get refugees out and new
fighters in.

A primitive communications link has now been established between the KLA and
NATO, via a satellite fax/phone operated inside the province. Faxes are sent
to three KLA officials in Brussels, who in turn relay these to NATO.

In the past four weeks NATO has launched several air strikes after being
alerted through the KLA phone link. But the Junik operation would mark a new
stage in their co-operation, with strikes needing some form of ground
observation and lasting several days.

A more daring alternative might be to use the American airborne troops now
arriving in the region to establish a "safe haven" in this area, although it
is unlikely that such an operation would meet NATO's desire for "zero
casualties" among its own troops.

More likely, if NATO agrees, would be that bombers would open the corridor,
and the Apache attack helicopters now in Albania would help keep it open,
fending off Serbian counter-attacks.

The Western alliance may fear becoming air support for the KLA, but it also
fears sending its own ground troops into the province, and may welcome the
chance to let another army do the work.

But first are likely to come the political questions - made harder because
the KLA has yet to speak with one voice. Since it began fighting in late
1997, the KLA has been riven by disputes and disagreements. NATO officers
are worried about the KLA's attitude to its main political rival, Mr Ibrahim
Rugova, elected president in unrecognised elections among ethnic Albanians
last year.

Mr Rugova, since captured and apparently kept prisoner by the Serbs, was
denounced as "worse than a traitor" by KLA spokesman Mr Jakob Krasniqi last
week.

NATO will want assurances that, if victory comes, the KLA will confine its
battles with Mr Rugova to the ballot box.

~~~~~~~~~~~~

>From Slate Morning Update

""The U.S. has cited the KLA for provocative acts of violence but has yet to
place the organization on its official terrorist list. "" <<Huh??>>

explainer

Who is the Kosovo Liberation Army?

By Eve Gerber


Members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), who have been lionized
as "freedom fighters," have also been demonized as communists,
narco-terrorists, and Islamic fundamentalists. Who are these folks?
And what are their goals?

The group's origins are murky, and like most guerrilla armies it does
most of its business in secret. But this much is known: The KLA grew
out of independence demonstrations staged in the early 1980s by
Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority. Serb authorities arrested
hundreds of protesters, many of whom called themselves
Marxist-Leninists, in part to secure assistance from their ethnic
brothers in communist Albania. The demonstrators' goal was to rid
Kosovo of Serb rule. During the 1980s many current KLA members,
including future Rambouillet delegates Jakup Krasniqi and Azem Syla,
served time in Serb prisons for organizing peaceful demonstrations,
leafleting, or calling for independence.

The KLA was formed some time in the early 1990s, shortly after
Belgrade abolished the autonomy the province had enjoyed since 1974
and purged ethnic Albanians from civil and state institutions,
including the military. (Many KLA leaders received their military
training in the Yugoslavian army.) Ethnic Albanians responded to the
purge by creating a shadow government under the auspices of the
Democratic League of Kosovo and electing Ibrahim Rugova their
unofficial president in 1992. While war ravaged other parts of the
splintering Yugoslavia, Rugova--the "Balkan Gandhi"--persuaded
Kosovars to remain nonviolent, arguing that the international
community would reinstate the province's independence. But when the
1995 Dayton Accords ended the war in Bosnia but left Kosovo's status
unresolved, other nationalists decided nonviolence was ineffective:
They noted that Yugoslavian minorities who took up arms won
independence, while those who didn't were strong-armed.

The Albanian diaspora funds the KLA through an organization named
"Homeland Calling," soliciting funds in the U.S. (mostly Brooklyn),
Australia, Canada, Switzerland, Germany, and other European nations.
A UN arms embargo prevents member nations from funding the KLA. The
European press alleges that ethnic Albanian drug traffickers
contribute to the rebel army, a report that arms trade experts
confirm. Although most ethnic Albanians are Muslim, the Kosovo
independence movement is not much influenced by Islamic
fundamentalism. The group's spokesman says that they shun the
assistance of Middle East radicals despite sketchy reports that Iran
surreptitiously finances the KLA. The State Department denies, at
least for the record, that it knows the source of KLA funding.

The KLA began hit-and-run attacks against Serb policemen and
officials in early 1996 in hopes of abolishing "Serb colonization."
In 1997, following the collapse of order in Albania, that nation's
military depots were looted and small arms poured into Kosovo. The
KLA stepped up its attacks, kidnapping and executing not only Serb
officials and their families but suspected ethnic Albanian collaborators.

In 1998, Serb President Slobodan Milosevic retaliated against the KLA
uprisings by executing Albanian clan leader Adem Jashari and members
of his family. Radicalized by his martyrdom, Kosovar Albanians
rallied to the KLA. Armed with assault rifles and rocket-propelled
grenades, the KLA punched a supply route through to Albania where
they established a staging base for operations.

No match for the better equipped Serbian army, the KLA retreated in
the face of a Serbian offensive last year. The Serbs torched
villages and killed scores of civilians, triggering a refugee
crisis. In protest marches, ethnic Albanians of all ages began to
defiantly chant, "We are the Kosovo Liberation Army," and the
nation's many political factions began to rally to the KLA cause.
"President" Rugova's credibility was damaged beyond repair last May
when he met with Milosevic, and several of Rugova's moderate
colleagues, including Rambouillet delegate Jakup Krasniqi, spurned
him by joining the KLA.

Adem Demaci, who spent 28 years in Serb prisons and led the
Parliamentary Party of Kosovo which rivaled Rugova's, called on the
KLA to establish a political presence "because one cannot
communicate with the world with statements released from forests."
NATO silently urged rival factions to unite and the KLA formed a
political wing last summer. Demaci briefly became the KLA spokesman
and quickly attributed previous calls for a pan-Albanian state from
within the group to political immaturity. The augmented KLA clearly
tempered its core.

At least 8,000 rebels once fought for the KLA, although that is a
very soft number. According to Albanian television reports, the KLA
ordered all Kosovars between the ages of 18 and 50 to join its ranks
earlier this month. The KLA successfully recruits in the refugee
camps and among the diaspora. More than 5,000 fresh recruits are now
training in Albania. Command remains decentralized, but seems to
have settled under the control of Bislim Zyrapi, who formerly led a
militia brigade in the Bosnian conflict. Albania is giving
ammunition and trucks to their efforts. The situation in the
province is fluid and rebels struggle to hold their remaining
isolated enclaves. Macedonia has charged that the KLA conducts
military activities within its borders. The KLA has yet to build an
effective military force and it is considered unlikely that they
could defeat government forces, even with the assistance of NATO air
cover. The Department of Defense acknowledges that the KLA reports
to NATO on the situation inside Kosovo, but the extent of KLA/NATO
cooperation is not known.

The U.S. has cited the KLA for provocative acts of violence but has
yet to place the organization on its official terrorist list. In
fact, the Clinton administration has warmed to the rebel force. Last
June, U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke met with a KLA commander in
Kosovo. The Contact Group nations (Russia, Britain, France Germany,
Italy, and the U.S.), decided that the KLA represents a significant
portion of the Kosovars and that no settlement is possible without them.

KLA attendance at the Rambouillet negotiations lent the group new
legitimacy, as did the election of KLA political director Hashim
Thaci as leader of the 15-member ethnic Albanian negotiating team.
The KLA's willingness at the Rambouillet talks to demilitarize
Kosovo in return for the reinstatement of autonomy was interpreted
by many as a signal that a peaceful organization might evolve from
the guerrilla force.


Explainer would like to thank Ben Fischerof Indiana University,
Barney Rubin of the Council on Foreign Relations, Kurt Bassuener of
the Balkan Action Council, John Hillen of the Center for Strategy
and International Studies, and Jane's Intelligence Review.


~~~~~~~~~~~~
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