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-Caveat Lector-

A court seat for privilege...

By Derrick Z. Jackson

Boston Globe
January 14, 2005

Amazing amnesia. How sweet the white privilege. Martin
Luther King Jr. once said, "Nothing in the world is
more dangerous than sincere ignorance and conscientious
stupidity." Right on time for the King holiday, America
is elevating yet another man to lifetime power on the
claim of sincere ignorance of his association with
racism and sexism.

Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito was repeatedly asked
in this week's hearings about his membership in the
Concerned Alumni of Princeton. The group lasted from
1972, the year Alito graduated from Princeton, to the
mid-1980s. The group whined in its writings that
increased numbers of "women and minorities will
largely vitiate the alumni body of the future."

In the dictionary, "vitiate" means, "1. To reduce the
value or impair the quality; 2. To corrupt morally; 3.
To make ineffective."

Alito claimed membership in the Concerned Alumni of
Princeton when he applied for a promotion in the Reagan
administration in 1985. Alito said, "I am particularly
proud of my contributions in recent cases in which the
government has argued in the Supreme Court that racial
and ethnic quotas should not be allowed and that the
Constitution does not protect a right to an abortion."

There is no evidence Alito was active with the group.
But his exploitive tie is a critical window into his
mind that shatters all these claims of his intellectual
honesty. In 1985, he used his membership in the group
to boost his career with the right wing. This week, to
assure his seat on the high court, he claimed he knew
nothing about the group's bigotry.

During the hearings, Alito said of the Concerned Alumni
of Princeton:

"I don't remember this organization."

"I have wracked my memory about this issue, and I
really have no specific recollection of that
organization." None of this is of consequence in a
nation where President Bush won reelection on the
strength of his white vote. It was a vote that thrived
on ignorant fears, fears that allowed Bush to get away
with an agenda that resulted in such things as going to
war over nonexistent weapons of mass destruction, the
attack on affirmative action, even though white women
have always been its chief beneficiaries, and the
assault on gay marriage despite absolutely no proof
that it damages the values of our society.

The agenda is now almost complete. On a Capitol Hill
with Bush's Republican Party in charge, Alito will get
his seat and the right wing will have its chance to
reverse the gains of the King era, gains which were
extended from black people to Latinos, to white women
to gay and lesbian people, to the physically
challenged. Alito will join the pantheon of modern
white power brokers who continue to determine the laws
of this country despite their flirtations with bigotry
and romancing the segregated past.

In his convenient amnesia and his vigorous support of
Ronald Reagan's attempt to roll back rights, Alito
mimics the late Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist.
Rehnquist wrote in 1952 that the 1896 Supreme Court
Plessy v. Ferguson decision upholding segregation was
"right and should be reaffirmed." He owned not one but
two homes with restrictive covenants against selling
them to black people or Jews. Yet he said in his 1986
confirmation hearings to be chief justice, "I simply
can't answer whether I read through the deed."

Alito's memory loss mirrors that of Trent Lott, who is
still a powerful Mississippi senator despite three
speeches to the post-Klan Council of Concerned Citizens
and despite claiming "no firsthand knowledge" of the
group's racism. It echoes John Ashcroft, Bush's first
attorney general, who praised Confederate leaders in
the racist publication "Southern Partisan" and then
claimed in his confirmation hearings, "I can't say
that I knew very much about the magazine."

Memory is irrelevant in a nation that accepts a
president who spoke during the 2000 presidential
campaign at Bob Jones University despite its nationally
known racial and anti-Catholic bigotry. Bush defended
his appearance until pressure from Catholics forced him
to apologize to the late Cardinal John O'Connor. "On
reflection I should have been more clear in
disassociating myself from anti-Catholic sentiments and
racial prejudice," Bush wrote.

Bush made it very clear what forces he wanted to
associate with in 2003. The week before that King
holiday, Bush threw the weight of the White House
behind the white students who wanted to destroy
affirmative action at the University of Michigan. Bush
will soon have a Supreme Court that can kill it in all
programs, along with a woman's right to choose. No one
can claim sincere ignorance about the vitiation of
rights and the national division to follow.

http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2006/01/14/a_court_seat_for_privilege/

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

The New York Times
January 15, 2006

Editorial

The Imperial Presidency at Work

You would think that Senators Carl Levin and John
McCain would have learned by now that you cannot deal
in good faith with a White House that does not act in
good faith. Yet both men struck bargains intended to
restore the rule of law to American prison camps. And
President Bush tossed them aside at the first
opportunity.

Mr. Bush made a grand show of inviting Mr. McCain into
the Oval Office last month to announce his support for
a bill to require humane treatment of detainees at
Guantánamo Bay and other prisons run by the American
military and intelligence agencies. He seemed to have
managed to get Vice President Dick Cheney to stop
trying to kill the proposed Congressional ban on
torture of prisoners.

The White House also endorsed a bargain between Mr.
Levin and Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina,
which tempered somewhat a noxious proposal by Mr.
Graham to deny a court hearing to anyone the president
declares to be an "unlawful enemy combatant." The
bargain with Mr. Levin removed language that stripped
away cases already before the courts, which would have
been an egregious usurpation of power by one branch of
government, and it made clear that those cases should
remain in the courts.

Mr. Bush, however, seems to see no limit to his
imperial presidency. First, he issued a
constitutionally ludicrous "signing statement" on the
McCain bill. The message: Whatever Congress intended
the law to say, he intended to ignore it on the pretext
the commander in chief is above the law. That twisted
reasoning is what led to the legalized torture
policies, not to mention the domestic spying program.

Then Mr. Bush went after the judiciary, scrapping the
Levin-Graham bargain. The solicitor general informed
the Supreme Court last week that it no longer had
jurisdiction over detainee cases. It said the court
should drop an existing case in which a Yemeni national
is challenging the military tribunals invented by Mr.
Bush's morally challenged lawyers after 9/11. The
administration is seeking to eliminate all other
lawsuits filed by some of the approximately 500 men at
Gitmo, the vast majority of whom have not been shown to
pose any threat.

Both of the offensive theories at work here - that a
president's intent in signing a bill trumps the intent
of Congress in writing it, and that a president can
claim power without restriction or supervision by the
courts or Congress - are pet theories of Judge Samuel
Alito, the man Mr. Bush chose to tilt the Supreme Court
to the right.

The administration's behavior shows how high and
immediate the stakes are in the Alito nomination, and
how urgent it is for Congress to curtail Mr. Bush's
expansion of power. Nothing in the national consensus
to combat terrorism after 9/11 envisioned the
unilateral rewriting of more than 200 years of
tradition and law by one president embarked on an
ideological crusade.

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/15/opinion/15sun2.html

* Copyright 2006 The New York Times Company 
_______________________________________________________

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DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
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CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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