-Caveat Lector-

From
http://www.globe.com/dailyglobe2/117/oped/What_we_lost_in_the_boomP.shtml

What we lost in the boom
By James Carroll, 04/27/99


<C>harlie walks into the Ritz Bar in Paris, a favorite haunt in the old
days. With rueful sympathy, the barman says, ''I heard that you lost a lot
in the crash.''

''I did,'' Charlie replies grimly, ''but I lost everything I wanted in the
boom.''

This incident from F. Scott Fitzgerald's ''Babylon Revisited,'' a story
written in 1931, comes to mind as a parable of the American condition today.
The boom rides on. The Dow is up nearly 17 percent this year, in one record
session after another. Interest, unemployment, and inflation rates continue
to defy every prediction, staying low. An economic take-off, fueled
apparently by the new technologies, has left behind worries about budget
deficits and Social Security shortfalls. Most indicators suggest that a rare
prosperity is still maturing, with yet more records of production and
investment return ahead. The good times roll.

And then two boys walk into a school and open fire. And, all the while,
American-made bombs are falling in Serbia. A ''patient'' NATO is satisfied
with itself, despite doing nothing to protect the besieged innocents of
Kosovo. Now, perhaps a million fugitive people face starvation, and NATO
makes it worse. The word ''boom'' takes on an absurd resonance, as the boom
of gunfire in a high school, and the boom of air war ordnance serve as
counterpoints to the boom of the American economy. Already, ''boomer'' had
become a catchword for shallow self-absorption, but this new juxtaposition
of meanings suggests that the post-World War II generation of Americans
internalized the bomb shelters of our childhoods, encasing our hearts and
souls in concrete.

As this savage war drags on, NATO, and its supporters, can blame Slobodan
Milosevic. As Tony Blair and Bill Clinton slap aside Russian-brokered peace
feelers, NATO critics, like me, can lay the fault at the alliance's odd
combination of naivete and vindictiveness. But is it possible for all of us
to ask what this war is revealing about our common condition? Similarly, we
can blame the shootings at Columbine High School on a dark subculture,
neglectful parents. Or, without denying the particular responsibility of the
shooters, we can ask what epiphany this incident offers to every citizen of
this nation?

Not so long ago, a new American mantra was adopted: ''It's the economy,
stupid.'' A new breed of political leaders, eschewing the ''rhetoric'' of
the New Deal and Great Society, purged the public agenda of all but things
measured in the numbers of low rates and high growth. Lip service was given
to education reform, but only for its economic benefit. Otherwise, the
national purpose was stripped. Impending environmental crises were
downplayed, an already modest foreign aid budget was slashed, and the urgent
task of creating post-Cold War structures of international peace was never
taken up. The measure of American ambition was reduced to one thing, with
the promise that a preempting focus on the economy would bring fulfillment
in other areas as well.

Our government ''reinvented'' itself at the service of this new ideal, and
every other social hope was put in second place - or eliminated. Was crime a
problem? Instead of addressing its causes, we doubled the prison population.
Was the arms race with the Soviet Union over? Instead of transforming our
war economy, we became arms merchants to the world - and expanded NATO to
expand our weapons market.

Were people of color still insisting on equal access? Instead of keeping the
promises of Civil Rights, we redefined their insistence as itself unfair to
whites. Traditional American hopes, once unselfconsciously expressed in
language about justice and peace, were caricatured as '''60s idealism,'' and
dismissed.

''I lost everything I wanted in the boom,'' Charlie said. Characters in
fiction are what they want. The same is true of us. What do we want? What do
we really want? When we see photos of the Colorado dream house in which one
of the Columbine shooters lived, or of the BMW he drove, the pang we feel
must be partly a pang of conscience.

How did it happen that the ''American dream'' was reduced to our houses and
our cars? That our deepest hopes were reduced to ''the economy, stupid?''
Nothing more quickly yanks a people out of such shallow wanting than the
discovery that its children are in trouble. What if their trouble, finally,
is trouble with what we, their parents, want? Are some children plunged into
the despair of overt nihilism by the implicit nihilism of a consumer culture
that cares nothing for others?

Meanwhile, an apocalypse, partly of our making, is unfolding in the Balkans.
Last month, only fringe Russian legislators spoke of World War III; last
week, Victor S. Chernomyrdin warned of the danger. Who is listening? What do
''boomers'' hear beside the clang of the Stock Exchange's closing bell? It
is unconscionable that the American balloon can rise ever higher while a
true millennial catastrophe befalls southeast Europe.

Politicians in Washington want only to avoid the issue. NATO wants only
vindication. Bill Clinton wants his reputation back. And us? If we the
American people do not find it in our hearts to want - really want - an end
to the carnage in Yugoslavia, then our children will increasingly entrust
their hopes to the thrill of violence, eventually hating us for all that we
squandered in the boom.

James Carroll's column appears regularly in the Globe.


This story ran on page A15 of the Boston Globe on 04/27/99.
� Copyright 1999 Globe Newspaper Company.





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