-Caveat Lector-

Begin forwarded message:

Date: July 30, 2006 9:47:15 AM PDT
Subject: Corporate Criminals: Bush Admin, Like Enron, Using Mafia-Style Accounting

"Tens of billions of dollars 'missing' in Iraqi reconstruction effort," the headlines keep announcing, surprise-surprise ...
No  surprise either when, once those billions get laundered via the Republicans' "black budget" pig trough back in Washington DC, it goes "missing" again. 
 

Audit Finds U.S. Hid [and Lied About] Cost of Iraq Projects

BAGHDAD, Iraq, July 29 — The State Department [i.e., US government] agency in charge of $1.4 billion in reconstruction money in Iraq used an accounting shell game to hide ballooning cost overruns on its projects there and knowingly withheld information on schedule delays from Congress, a federal audit released late Friday has found.

The agency hid construction overruns by listing them as overhead or administrative costs, according to the audit, written by the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction, an independent office that reports to Congress, the Pentagon and the State Department.

Called the United States Agency for International Development***, or A.I.D., the agency administers foreign aid projects around the world. It has been working in Iraq on reconstruction since shortly after the 2003 invasion.

The report by the inspector general’s office does not give a full accounting of all projects financed by the agency’s $1.4 billion budget, but cites several examples.

The findings appeared in an audit of a children’s hospital in Basra, but they referred to the wider reconstruction activities of the development agency in Iraq. American and Iraqi officials reported this week that the State Department planned to drop Bechtel, its contractor on that project, as signs of budget and scheduling problems began to surface.

The United States Embassy in Baghdad referred questions about the audit to the State Department in Washington, where a spokesman, Justin Higgins, said Saturday, “We have not yet had a chance to fully review this report, but certainly will consider it carefully, as we do all the findings of the inspector general.”

Bechtel has said that because of the deteriorating security in Basra, the hospital project could not be completed as envisioned. But Mr. Higgins said: “Despite the challenges, we are committed to completing this project so that sick children in Basra can receive the medical help they need. The necessary funding is now in place to ensure that will happen.”

In March 2005, A.I.D. asked the Iraq Reconstruction and Management Office at the United States Embassy in Baghdad for permission to downsize some projects to ease widespread financing problems. In its request, it said that it had to “absorb greatly increased construction costs” at the Basra hospital and that it would make a modest shift of priorities and reduce “contractor overhead” on the project.

The embassy office approved the request. But the audit found that the agency interpreted the document as permission to change reporting of costs across its program.

Referring to the embassy office’s approval, the inspector general wrote, “The memorandum was not intended to give U.S.A.I.D. blanket permission to change the reporting of all indirect costs.”

The hospital’s construction budget was $50 million. By April of this year, Bechtel had told the aid agency that because of escalating costs for security and other problems, the project would actually cost $98 million to complete. But in an official report to Congress that month, the agency “was reporting the hospital project cost as $50 million,” the inspector general wrote in his report.

The rest was reclassified as overhead, or “indirect costs.” According to a contracting officer at the agency who was cited in the report, the agency “did not report these costs so it could stay within the $50 million authorization.”

“We find the entire agreement unclear,” the inspector general wrote of the A.I.D. request approved by the embassy. “The document states that hospital project cost increases would be offset by reducing contractor overhead allocated to the project, but project reports for the period show no effort to reduce overhead.”

The report said it suspected that other unreported costs on the hospital could drive the tab even higher. In another case cited in the report, a power station project in Musayyib, the direct construction cost cited by the development agency was $6.6 million, while the overhead cost was $27.6 million.

One result is that the project’s overhead, a figure that normally runs to a maximum of 30 percent, was a stunning 418 percent.

The figures were even adjusted in the opposite direction when that helped the agency balance its books, the inspector general found. On an electricity project at the Baghdad South power station, direct construction costs were reported by the agency as $164.3 million and indirect or overhead costs as $1.4 million.

That is just 0.8 percent overhead in a country where security costs are often staggering. A contracting officer told the inspector general that the agency adjusted the figures “to stay within the authorization for each project.”

The overall effect, the report said, was a “serious misstatement of hospital project costs.” The true cost could rise as high as $169.5 million, even after accounting for at least $30 million pledged for medical equipment by a charitable organization.

The inspector general also found that the agency had not reported known schedule delays to Congress. On March 26, 2006, Bechtel informed the agency that the hospital project was 273 days behind, the inspector general wrote. But in its April report to Congress on the status of all projects, “U.S.A.I.D. reported no problems with the project schedule.”

In a letter responding to the inspector general’s findings, Joseph A. Saloom, the newly appointed director of the reconstruction office at the United States Embassy, said he would take steps to improve the reporting of the costs of reconstruction projects in Iraq. Mr. Saloom took little exception to the main findings.

In the letter, Mr. Saloom said his office had been given new powers by the American ambassador in Baghdad, Zalmay Khalilzad, to request clear financing information on American reconstruction projects. Mr. Saloom wrote that he agreed with the inspector general’s conclusion that this shift would help “preclude surprises such as occurred on the Basra hospital project.”

“The U.S. Mission agrees that accurate monitoring of projects requires allocating indirect costs in a systematic way that reflects accurately the true indirect costs attributable to specific activities and projects, such as a Basra children’s hospital,” Mr. Saloom wrote.

===========

     For fiscal year 2006, the President's budget requested $9.1 billion for development and humanitarian assistance administered by USAID.  That Agency will personally administer approximately $5.0 billion and manage $4.1 billion more in coordination with the Department of State.

WIKIPEDIA:

The question of ***USAID’s relation to the CIA is a controversial one.

Most claim that there was in the past, but no longer is, a relationship between the the Central Intelligence Agency and USAID. Others disagree.

Some assert that the CIA has used USAID to provide support for its programs. For example, Louis Wolf, co-publisher of CovertAction Quarterly, who worked in Laos from 1964 to 1967, asserts that some of the CIA personnel working in <the death squads in> Operation Phoenix in Vietnam were working under USAID cover. John Paul Vann is another critic who linked the two.

In a lecture given in 2000 at the University of the Philippines-Manila, Roland G. Simbulan described the importance of the CIA’s operations in the Philippines, and noted: “During my interview in 1996 with Ralph McGehee, a former CIA agent, and other former CIA operatives assigned to the Manila station, I was told that the CIA had many unheralded successes in the Philippines such as the manipulation of the trade union movement through the Asian-American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI) and through funds which were channeled through the USAID, Asia Foundation and National Endowment for Democracy.” [2]

Eva Gollinger, for example, writes that USAID "functions as an instrument of CIA penetration into civil society" and maintains that USAID was being used by the CIA as recently as 2002, in attempts to bring down the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. [3]

Recent USAID FOIA documents also show that USAID "democratization" programs were clearly meant to undermine and destabilize the elected government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. This destabilization campaign is said to have taken place between 2001 and 2004. FOIAs also show that USAID continues to support opposition pro-coup political parties in Haiti.  (See http://narcosphere.narconews.com/story/2006/4/13/15539/1082)
 
USAID's "success" in Haiti -- reminiscent of what's gone on IRAQ today:
 
 
One doesn't have to wander far from the Associated Press wires to find abundant information about the United States' enthusiastic long-term "intervention" in Haiti. The so-called "democratic convergence" that has dogged Aristide's elected government is, in fact, a tiny group of malcontents who are working with elements of the Bush administration to turn Haiti into one vast sweatshop zone.

Having been soundly rejected in every election in which they've run against Aristide's grass-roots "Lavalas" party, they've used millions of USA tax dollars to organize street demonstrations, buy up radio and television stations, and, most recently, field a vicious army of thugs, styling themselves the "Cannibal Army," who have attacked police stations and set about occupying Haitian cities.

All this has been funded from the USA Agency for International Development (USAID), under the guise of its falsely so-called "Democracy Enhancement" program. USAID has long been notorious for channeling money to pro-business elites and their armed enforcers. It was USAID money that helped a CIA agent persuade Emmanuel "Toto" Constant to organize the murderous FRAPH in 1991. That terrorist organization was responsible for some 5,000 murders in the wake of the military coup that removed Aristide from his first term as elected president. Constant now lives as a real estate agent in Brooklyn, thanks to the protection of the USA State and Justice departments.

In Haiti today, it's déjà vu all over again. In 1993, a CIA-spawned military junta ruled Haiti through even greater terror than the USA-sponsored Duvalier dictatorships had achieved. Meanwhile deposed president Aristide, living in exile in New York, had become an international cause célèbre. Under tremendous popular pressure, the Clinton administration dispatched retired chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Colin Powell to "negotiate" the withdrawal of the coup regime ahead of a USA military intervention. Powell's team arranged immunity from prosecution for the lead criminals and safe passage to other countries like the Dominican Republic, from which many of the thugs have now returned as elements of the "Cannibal Army."

The USA occupation was a tragedy of errors that have now become all too familiar: failures to disarm elements of the coup regime or to safeguard strategic sites, channeling all aid money to US contractors who lined their own pockets, and hog-tying the new government with requirements that the nation's economy be surrendered to foreign investors.

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